By the end of 1610, the situation in Russia was extremely difficult: the Poles ruled in the western regions and in Moscow, in the north - the remnants of the Swedish detachment given to Shuisky plundered the cities, they took Novgorod. The South generally wanted to secede. The first attempt to cope with what was happening was made in 1611. Patriarch Hermogenes in December 1610 began sending letters to cities, calling on the people to fight the invaders. Despite the fact that the patriarch himself was deprived of his freedom for this, his appeal was accepted. The first to gather was the nobleman Prokopiy Lyapunov, from the Ryazan land. He began to recruit troops to fight the Poles. It included the remnants of the last army of Tsar Vasily Shuisky and gangs of Cossacks of various origins with the peasants they recruited. In January 1611, Lyapunov moved towards Moscow. Zemstvo squads from many cities came to him; even the remnants of the Tushino army with the boyars, governors and military men who served the second impostor, under the leadership of Prince D. T. Trubetskoy and the Cossack ataman Zarutsky, went to liberate Moscow. The Poles, after the battle with the residents of Moscow and the approaching Lyapunov militia, settled in the Kremlin and Kitay-Gorod. The position of the Polish detachment (about 3,000 people), commanded by Chodkiewicz, was very unpleasant, since it had few supplies. Sigismund could not help his squad, because he himself was stuck near Smolensk. The Zemstvo and Cossack militias united and besieged the Kremlin, but discord immediately began between them. However, the army declared itself the council of the earth and began to rule the state, since there was no other government. Due to the growing contradictions between the zemstvo people and the Cossacks in June 1611. gathered to draw up a general resolution. The agreement between the representatives of the Cossacks and the service people who formed the basis of the zemstvo army was very extensive: it was supposed to organize not only the army, but also the state. It was indicated that the highest power belongs to the entire army, which calls itself “the whole earth”; voivodes are only the executive bodies of this council, which reserves the right to replace them if they do not conduct business well. The court is carried out by the voivodes, but they can execute only with the approval of the “council of the whole earth”, otherwise they themselves face death. Further, a lot of attention was paid to the issue of estates. All awards from Tushinsky Thief and Sigismund were declared illegal. The “old” Cossacks were allowed to receive estates and therefore become service people, receiving their rights and responsibilities. Then came the decrees on the return of the fugitive slaves, who called themselves Cossacks (new Cossacks), to their former masters; “Cossack freemen” was noticeably declining. Finally, a command administration was created, modeled on the one that existed in Moscow. From the agreement it becomes clear that the army gathered near Moscow considered itself a representative of the entire land and that the main role in the council belonged to the zemstvo service people, and not the Cossacks. This agreement is also characteristic in that it testifies to the importance that the service class gradually acquired. But the predominance of service people did not last long; the Cossacks could not be in solidarity with them. The matter ended with the murder of Lyapunov and the departure of the zemstvo squads. The population's hope for the first militia was not justified, Moscow remained in the hands of the Polish detachment, and the militia itself disintegrated. Part of him returned to his lands, part remained near Moscow, but no longer tried to fight the invaders, but was engaged in plundering the surrounding population. They tried to proclaim the son of Marina Mniszech the new king, but no one took such statements seriously. The boy was killed by the Crow, and later the child was hanged.
The second militia began to be assembled in September 1612 by Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, who became the governor, and the merchant Kuzma Minin, who supplied the army with everything necessary. The movement began in the northern and northeastern lands, the least affected over the past years. It consisted mainly of service people, townspeople, and peasants. Later, some Cossack detachments joined (under the leadership of Trubetskoy). Having gathered an army, the prince did not rush, especially since in winter it would be extremely difficult to stand near Moscow: people would begin to experience a lack of food, and the army could fall apart like the first. After spending the winter in Nizhny, we went to Yaroslavl, which, moreover, was a very important point. The Cossacks wanted to occupy it, taking a hostile position towards the new militia. Yaroslavl was taken; the militia stood here for three months, because it was necessary to train the army; "build" the land.
In August 1612, Pozharsky sent an army to Moscow. At first it settled on the Yauza, 5 west from Moscow, and blocked the access of food to the city. In mid-autumn, Kitay-gorod was taken, the remaining Poles hid in the Kremlin. They still hoped for the help of their king, and refused offers to surrender. Finally, on October 26, the Kremlin was captured.
Next, the government operating in Yaroslavl decided to convene a Zemsky Sobor to elect a legitimate Russian Tsar who would suit everyone. Pozharsky convened ten representatives from each city, as well as from black volosts, which had never happened before. This council turned out to be the most complete ever held. Historians call the approximate number 700 people. Main candidates: V.I. Shuisky, F. Mstislavsky, Vorotynsky, Trubetskoy, M.F. Romanov, V.V. Golitsyn.
The electors met in January, and witnesses said that there were many disputes and the elections were not easy. A variety of methods were used, including illegal ones (for example, vote buying). Different candidates symbolized different social ideals. For example, Prince I.M. Vorotynsky, an ancient, noble family, was an opponent of Western influence and preferred adherence to ancient Russian traditions. Naturally, he was supported mainly by those who shared these views with him. F. Mstislavsky, a descendant of Ivan III, was a very capable person, many noted his intelligence and willpower. Perhaps, having been on the throne, he would have carried out many reforms in Russia, putting it on a progressive path of development, but after some time Mstislavsky himself withdrew his candidacy. Of the other contenders, Prince V.V. was worthy. Golitsyn, but at that time he was in captivity in Poland. M.F. Romanov could not compete with them in terms of birth, and no one knew about his qualities, but he had an influential father - Filaret, who, however, made a career under impostors. (False Dmitry II made him patriarch). We can say that M.F. Romanov was “just” a candidate.
Filaret insisted on introducing restrictive conditions for the new king and pointed to his son as the most suitable candidate. It was indeed Mikhail Fedorovich who was chosen. This election was a compromise that harmonized currents hostile to each other. Undoubtedly, he was offered those restrictive conditions that Filaret wrote about: “Give full justice to the old laws of the country; do not judge or condemn anyone by the highest authority; do not introduce any new laws without a council, do not burden your subjects with new taxes and do not accept the slightest decisions in military and zemstvo affairs." The election took place on February 7, but the official announcement was postponed until the 21st, in order to find out during this period how the people would accept the new king. The people were only glad of the certainty that had arisen, and the cities, one after another, swore allegiance to the new king. Particularly satisfying was the fact that the Tsar turned out to be Russian after all.
E. Lissner. Expulsion of Polish interventionists from the Moscow Kremlin
The Time of Troubles refers to the hard times of the late 16th and early 17th centuries, when the Russian kingdom found itself in a deep social crisis. There was a process of formation of the serfdom system, which caused widespread protest among the peasant masses and the urban lower classes. The origins of the Troubles must be sought in wars, and in the tyranny and repressions of Tsar Ivan IV, and in the boyar civil strife, which undermined the economy and the moral strength of the people. The heirs of Grozny were unable to withstand the destruction of strong state power and the onslaught of external enemies who were expecting easy prey.
As a result of Polish and Swedish intervention, the young centralized Russian state was brought to the brink of a national catastrophe. The main border strongholds - the fortified cities of Smolensk and Novgorod - fell. For two years, the ancient capital of Moscow was in the hands of foreigners. The country, which was betrayed by the ruling boyar elite, was subjected to terrible devastation.
It seemed that Russia would not survive the “great ruin.” But the capture of Moscow by the Poles caused a powerful patriotic wave, which arose in Nizhny Novgorod and put a prince and a simple citizen at the head of the people's (zemstvo) militia. Having demonstrated remarkable organizational and military talents, they achieved the liberation of the capital of the Fatherland from foreigners.
Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky Kuzma Minich Minin (Ankudinov)
Moscow was captured by the Poles due to the betrayal of the Boyar Duma (“seven-numbered boyars”, “seven boyars”), led by Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky. Fearing their own people and seeking protection from them, the boyars proclaimed the young son of the Polish king Sigismund III, Prince Vladislav, king: “It is better to serve the sovereign than to be beaten by your slaves.”
On the night of September 21 (November 1), 1610, the “Seven Boyars” allowed the 8,000-strong Polish army of Hetman Zholkiewski into Moscow. The Poles occupied the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod with their stone walls. Before this, the boyars sent almost the entire Moscow garrison from the capital to fight the Swedes, and the capital found itself without defenders.
Hetman Stanislav Zholkiewski
The first zemstvo militia of the Ryazan voivode, created to liberate Moscow from foreigners, did not fulfill its task. It approached the capital belatedly, when the anti-Polish uprising of Muscovites (one of its leaders was Prince Dmitry Pozharsky) failed in March 1611, and most of the city was burned. The militia blocked the city, but disagreements between the Cossacks and the serving nobility led to the death of Lyapunov. The militia went home, only the Cossacks remained near Moscow, led by Ataman Ivan Zarutsky and Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy.
In such conditions, Nizhny Novgorod took over the banner of the liberation struggle. In response to the letters of the patriarch who was imprisoned by the Poles, the Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin, from among the “young trading people” (small traders), in October 1611 appealed to the townspeople with an appeal to create a new people's militia to fight foreign invaders.
B. Zvorykin. His Holiness Patriarch Hermogenes in the dungeon of the Chudov Monastery
P.P. Chistyakov. Patriarch Hermogenes refuses the Poles to sign the letter
The patriotic appeal received the warmest response from Nizhny Novgorod residents. On Minin’s advice, the townspeople gave “a third of their money”, that is, a third of their property, for the creation and maintenance of the zemstvo army.
M.I. Peskov. Minin's appeal to the people of Nizhny Novgorod in 1611. 1861
The headman himself donated not only “his entire treasury” to the needs of the militia, but also gold and silver frames from icons and his wife’s jewelry. But since there were not enough voluntary contributions, a forced levy was announced from all Nizhny Novgorod residents: each of them had to contribute a fifth of their income from fishing and trading activities to the treasury of the militia.
HELL. Kivshenko. Appeal from Kuzma Minin to Nizhny Novgorod residents. 1611
Nizhny Novgorod residents invested Kuzma Minin with the title of “elected person by the whole earth.” The “Council of All the Earth” created in the city essentially became a provisional government. On the advice of Minin, the “artful” prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky was invited to the post of chief (first) commander of the militia, who, after being wounded, was treated in the nearby village of Mugreevo, Suzdal district. An honorary embassy was sent to him.
Pozharsky accepted the invitation to lead the zemstvo army, that is, organizing the recruitment of military men, training warriors, and commanding them in campaigns and battles. Kuzma Minin began to manage the militia treasury. So these two people, elected by the people and invested with their trust, became the heads of the Nizhny Novgorod militia.
S. Malinovsky. Nizhny Novgorod feat. 1611 1996
Various people were accepted into the militia, ready to fight for the just cause of “cleansing” Moscow of Poles: archers and serving nobles, Cossacks, townspeople and peasants. Kuzma Minin invited a large detachment of serving Smolensk nobles into the zemstvo army, who, after the fall of Smolensk, went with their families to the Arzamas district, showing in practice faithful service to the Fatherland.
At the beginning of March, the Nizhny Novgorod militia set out on a campaign. He was hurried by both time and the coming spring, which threatened the road with mud.
Prince Pozharsky at the head of the militia. Chromolithography based on a painting by T. Krylov. 1910
Before this, Prince Pozharsky occupied the city of Yaroslavl, sending there a cavalry detachment under the command of his cousin Prince Dmitry Lopata-Pozharsky. Along the way, separate detachments occupied the cities of Kostroma, Suzdal and a number of others.
In Yaroslavl, the militia stayed for four whole months: it was replenished with people who underwent military training, weapons and treasury were obtained. Connections were established with the Russian North (Pomerania), Volga cities and Siberia. A new administration was created locally. In Yaroslavl, the “Zemstvo government” finally took shape. A Money Court was created in the city, orders worked, including the Posolsky.
During the “Yaroslavl sitting” the second zemstvo militia doubled its forces. Prince Dmitry Pozharsky and Kuzma Minin brought over 10 thousand serving local people (nobles), up to 3 thousand Cossacks, at least a thousand archers and a large number of “dacha people” (peasants liable for military service) to the walls of Moscow. There is no information about the number of artillery. This is not counting those detachments that were sent from Yaroslavl around the country, primarily to protect the northern lands from the Swedes who captured Novgorod.
The Monk Dionysius blesses Prince Pozharsky and citizen Minin for the liberation of Moscow. High relief. Eastern corner of the northern wall of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior
The residents of Nizhny Novgorod developed a complex relationship with the leaders of the remnants of the first zemstvo militia (“Moscow camps”) - the prince and the ataman. They claimed a leading role in the upcoming struggle for Moscow. Ataman Zarutsky even went so far as to organize an assassination attempt on Pozharsky in Yaroslavl. After his failure, when the Nizhny Novgorod residents approached, he fled with part of his Cossacks from near Moscow.
The Nizhny Novgorod militia set out from Yaroslavl on July 27 (August 6), 1612, upon receiving the news that the Polish king had sent a 12,000-strong army led by the Lithuanian hetman Jan-Karol Chodkiewicz to the rescue of the Moscow garrison. It was necessary to get ahead of him, so Prince Pozharsky sent forward to Moscow a strong cavalry detachment of Prince Vasily Turenin, ordering him to occupy the Chertolsky (now Kropotkinsky) gate. The main forces of Nizhny Novgorod took up positions at the Arbat Gate.
Approaching Moscow on August 20 (30), Pozharsky and Minin refused to become a single camp with the “Cossack camps” of Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy, who stood near the Crimean Bridge, and where there were many abandoned dugouts and huts. Having passed through the city fires, the Nizhny Novgorod militia took a position between the Arbat and Chertolsky gates. The flanks were covered by cavalry detachments. Several forts with moats were built.
Khodkiewicz's army (most of it consisted of Cossacks who were in the service of the King of Poland) approached Moscow on the morning of August 21 (31). The enemy had over 15 thousand people, including the regiments of Strus and Budila, entrenched behind the strong walls of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod. The forces of the parties, according to researchers, were not equal. According to the calculations of the historian G. Bibikov, the militia of Pozharsky and Minin that arrived in the capital could have no more than 6-7 thousand warriors. The rest of his forces were scattered along the way. Trubetskoy had approximately 2.5 thousand Cossacks.
At dawn on August 22 (September 1), Hetman Khodkevich began a breakthrough to the Kremlin to deliver a huge convoy of provisions for the besieged garrison. The battle began with a cavalry battle on the Devichye Field (near the Novodevichy Convent). This battle lasted seven hours, and only then did the royal people begin to push back the enemy. After this, the battle began among the ruins of the burnt out city. The battle that day ended with a bold attack by the Cossack detachments of atamans Afanasy Kolomna, Druzhina Romanov, Filat Mozhanov and Makar Kozlov, after which the hetman ordered a retreat.
The battle resumed a day later, on August 24 (September 3). Now Khodkevich struck through Zamoskvorechye. The fights again assumed the most stubborn and fierce character. Having pushed back the militia, the Poles brought a huge convoy into the city. It was already very close to the Kremlin. During the battle, the Cossacks of Prince Trubetskoy went to their “camps”. Only the persuasion of the cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra and Kuzma Minin could return them to the battlefield.
Already in the evening, Minin, having taken three reserve cavalry hundreds and a detachment of the defector captain Khmelevsky, crossed the Moscow River and decisively attacked the enemy barrier at the Crimean courtyard. The Poles fled, which became common in the hetman's army. The militia launched a general counterattack, but Prince Pozharsky prudently ordered the pursuit of those who fled to stop.
Banner of Prince Pozharsky. 1612
Hetman Khodkevich went to the Sparrow Hills, stood there all night and early in the morning of August 25 (September 4) with “great shame” fled from Moscow to the West. A huge convoy with provisions for the “Kremlin inmates” (who unsuccessfully went on a sortie) became the main trophy of the winners. Now the days of the Polish garrison besieged in the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod were numbered.
The defeat of the Polish interventionists in Moscow
At the end of September 1612, the Nizhny Novgorod army united with the remnants of the first zemstvo militia into a single army. State power also became unified. Meanwhile, the besieged began to starve. But the Poles stubbornly did not want to capitulate for fear of responsibility for the atrocities committed and in anticipation of a new attempt by their king to help them.
Negotiations for surrender began on October 22 (November 1). On that day, the Cossacks, who did not want any concessions to the enemy, stormed Kitay-Gorod, from where the besieged fled to the Kremlin. On October 26 (November 5), the Kremlin garrison agreed to lay down their arms and surrender to the mercy of the victors. The agreement was signed and sealed with a kiss of the cross. It said that the lives of the royal people would be spared on the condition that they hand over the looted state valuables they had to the treasury.
The next day, October 27 (November 6), the surrender of the royal garrison began. The regiment of Strus, which went to the camp of Prince Trubetskoy, was almost completely exterminated by the Cossacks, among whom were many fugitive peasants and slaves from places that the Poles subjected to terrible devastation during the Time of Troubles. Budila's regiment generally survived the capitulation, since Prince Pozharsky did not allow bloodshed. The prisoners of war were sent to cities, where they were kept until they were exchanged for Russian people who were in Polish captivity.
On the same day, October 27 (November 6), 1612, the people's militia solemnly, accompanied by the ringing of bells, entered the Kremlin devastated and desecrated by the invaders
On Sunday, November 1 (11), a thanksgiving prayer service was held on Red Square near Lobnoye Mesto. Muscovites, together with Nizhny Novgorod militias and Cossacks, celebrated the cleansing of the capital from foreign invaders. The liberation of the entire Fatherland from Polish and Swedish invaders was still far away. But a solid foundation for this matter had already been laid thanks to the works of the prince-voivode Dmitry Pozharsky and the “elected person by the whole earth” Kuzma Minin.
I.P. Martos. Monument to Minin and Pozharsky on Red Square in Moscow.
Built in 1818
The great historical victory that was won surrounded the heroes of the “Battle of Moscow” with an aura of eternal glory as the liberators of Moscow from the Poles in the cruel times of the Time of Troubles. Since those years, Prince Dmitry Pozharsky and Nizhny Novgorod townsman Kuzma Minin have become for Russia a symbol of selfless service to the Fatherland, its national heroes.
The tomb of Kuzma Minin in the tomb of the Transfiguration Cathedral in the Nizhny Novgorod Kremlin with the words of Peter the Great carved on the stone - “Here lies the savior of the Fatherland.” 1911
Material prepared by the Research Institute (military history)
Military Academy of the General Staff
Armed Forces of the Russian Federation
The summer of 1611 brought new misfortunes to Russia. In June, Polish troops took Smolensk by storm. In July the Swedish king Charles IX captured Novgorod land. The local nobility came to an agreement with the interventionists and opened the gates of Novgorod to them. The creation of the Novgorod state was announced with the son of the Swedish king on the throne.
Failure of the First Militia
The headman of Nizhny Novgorod, Kuzma Minin, having collected the necessary funds, offered to lead the campaign to Dmitry Pozharsky. After his consent, the militia from Nizhny Novgorod headed to Yaroslavl, where for several months they gathered forces and prepared for a march on Moscow.
Kuzma Minin
In the fall of 1611, the creation of the Second Militia began in Nizhny Novgorod. Its organizer was the zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin. Thanks to his honesty, piety and courage, he enjoyed great respect among the townspeople. Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin called on citizens to donate property, money and jewelry to create armed units capable of fighting traitors and invaders. At Minin’s call, fundraising began for the needs of the militia. The townspeople collected considerable funds, but they were clearly not enough. Then they imposed an emergency tax on the residents of the region. With the money collected, they hired service people, who mainly consisted of residents of the Smolensk land. The question arose of who should be the leader.
Dmitry Pozharsky
Soon an experienced governor was found, ready to take over the leadership of the military side of the enterprise - Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. He took part in the popular uprising against the Poles in Moscow in March 1611 and was then seriously wounded.
Why was it difficult to choose a leader? After all, there were many experienced governors in the country. The fact is that during the Time of Troubles, many service people moved from the king’s camp to the “Tushinsky thief” and back. Cheating has become commonplace. Moral rules - loyalty to word and deed, inviolability of an oath - have lost their original meaning. Many governors could not resist the temptation to increase their wealth by any means. It became difficult to find a governor who would “not appear in treason.”
When Kuzma Minin proposed Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, the residents of Nizhny Novgorod approved this choice, since he was among the few who had not stained themselves with treason. Moreover, during the Muscovite uprising in March 1611, he took part in street battles in the capital, led a detachment and was seriously wounded. In his estate near Suzdal, he was treated for wounds. Nizhny Novgorod envoys were sent there with a request to lead the fight. The prince agreed.
Formation of the Second Militia
In the spring of 1612, the second militia left Nizhny Novgorod and moved towards Yaroslavl. There it stayed for four months, forming an army from troops from all over the country. Prince Dmitry Pozharsky was responsible for the military training of the army, and Minin was responsible for ensuring it. Minin was called “the man elected by the whole earth.”
Here, in Yaroslavl in April 1612, from elected representatives of cities and counties, they created a kind of zemstvo government “Council of the Whole Land”. Under him, the Boyar Duma and orders were created. The Council officially appealed to all subjects of the country - “Great Russia” - with a call to unite to defend the Fatherland and elect a new Tsar.
Relationship with the First Militia
The relations between the leaders of the Second Militia and the leaders of the First Militia, I. Zarutsky and D. Trubetskoy, who were near Moscow, were very complex. While agreeing to cooperate with Prince Trubetskoy, they categorically rejected the friendship of the Cossack ataman Zarutsky, known for his treachery and fickleness. In response, Zarutsky sent a hired killer to Pozharsky. It was only by luck that the prince remained alive. After this, Zarutsky and his troops moved away from Moscow.
A trained, well-armed army moved towards Moscow. At the same time, a large army under the leadership of Hetman Chodkiewicz, one of the best Polish commanders, marched from the west to the capital to help the Poles. Chodkiewicz's goal was to break through to the Kremlin and deliver food and ammunition to the besieged Polish soldiers, because famine had begun among them.
In August 1612, the forces of the Second Militia approached Moscow. Together with Trubetskoy’s Cossacks, they repelled the advance of a large Polish army under the command of Hetman Jan Chodkiewicz, who arrived from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A fierce battle took place on August 22, 1612 at the Novodevichy Convent. Pozharsky resisted and did not allow Khodkevich’s troops to reach the Kremlin. But the hetman was not going to resign himself. He decided to strike next.
On the morning of August 24, the Poles appeared from Zamoskvorechye. They were not expected from there. Out of surprise, the militia began to retreat. The Poles have almost approached the Kremlin. The besieged were celebrating their victory; they had already seen the banners of the hetman’s attacking troops. But suddenly everything changed. Even during the battle, Minin begged Pozharsky to give him people for an ambush. Material from the site
In battles with Khodkevich, Kuzma Minin personally led hundreds of noble cavalry into the attack. The monks of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery provided great assistance to the militia. Appealing to the religious feelings of the Cossacks, they convinced them to temporarily forget about self-interest and support Minin and Pozharsky.
The attack led by Minin, which was supported by the Cossacks, decided the outcome of the battle. As a result, Khodkevich’s detachment lost its convoy and was forced to move away from Moscow. The Poles in the Kremlin remained surrounded.
On October 22, 1612, the Cossacks and Pozharsky’s troops took Kitai-gorod. The fate of the Poles holed up in the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod was decided. Suffering greatly from hunger, they did not last long. Four days later, on October 26, the Moscow boyars and the Polish garrison in the Kremlin capitulated.
Thus, as a result of the Second People's Militia, Moscow was liberated.
King Sigismund III tried to save the situation. In November 1612, he approached Moscow with an army and demanded that his son Vladislav be elevated to the throne. However, this prospect has now caused widespread outrage. Having failed in several battles, the king turned home. He was driven by severe frosts and food shortages. The attempt at a new intervention failed at the very beginning.
One of the turning points in Russian history can confidently be called the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612. It was then that the decision was made whether to exist or not to exist as a Russian state. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of this date for future generations. Let's take another look at this important event after many centuries, and also find out what the military leader did during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles to achieve success.
Background
But first, let's find out what events preceded the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.
The confrontation between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which is actually a federation of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, with the Russian state began during the time of Ivan the Terrible. Then, in 1558, the famous Livonian War broke out, with the goal of gaining control over the Baltic lands. In 1583, the war ended with the signing of peace, which turned out to be quite unfavorable for Rus'. But in general, this world of contradictions between the Russian kingdom and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not resolve.
After the death of Ivan the Terrible in 1584, the Russian throne was taken by his son, Fedor. He was a rather weak and sickly man, under whom the royal power weakened significantly. He died in 1598, leaving no heirs. The brother of Fedor's wife, boyar Boris Godunov, came to power. This event had rather disastrous consequences for Rus', since the Rurik dynasty, which ruled the state for more than seven hundred years, was cut short.
Within the Russian kingdom, there was growing dissatisfaction with the policies of Boris Godunov, whom many considered an impostor who had illegally seized power and at one time, according to rumors, ordered the murder of the rightful heir of Ivan the Terrible.
This tense situation within the country contributed very opportunely to the possibility of foreign intervention.
Impostors
The ruling elite of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth understood very well that its main external rival was the Russian kingdom. Therefore, the fall served as a kind of signal for the beginning of preparations for the invasion.
However, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself was not ready for open war, so for its intrigues it used the impostor Grigory Otrepyev, who pretended to be Dmitry, the son of Ivan the Terrible who died in childhood (according to another version, he was killed on the orders of Boris Godunov), for which he received the nickname - False Dmitry.
The army of False Dmitry was recruited with the support of Polish and Lithuanian magnates, but was not officially supported by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. She invaded the territory of Rus' in 1604. Soon, Tsar Boris Godunov died, and his sixteen-year-old son Fedor was unable to organize a defense. Grigory Otrepyev captured Moscow in 1605, and he proclaimed himself Tsar Dmitry I. However, the very next year he was killed as a result of a coup. At the same time, a significant part of the Poles who arrived with him were killed.
Vasily Shuisky, who was a representative of a side branch of the Rurikovichs, became the new Russian Tsar. But a significant part of the population of Rus' did not recognize him as a real ruler.
In 1607, a new impostor appeared on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, whose real name is unknown. He went down in history as False Dmitry II. He was supported by magnates who had previously started a rebellion against the Polish king Sigismund III, but lost. The impostor's headquarters became the town of Tushin, which is why False Dmitry II received the nickname Tushinsky thief. His army defeated Shuisky's army and besieged Moscow.
Vasily Shuisky tried to negotiate with him to recall his subjects. But he had no real leverage, and he didn’t want to. Then the Russian Tsar entered into an alliance with the Swedes. This alliance assumed Swedish assistance against False Dmitry II on the terms of the transfer of a number of Russian cities to Sweden, as well as the conclusion of an alliance against Poland.
Prerequisites for open Polish intervention
The main pretext for the start of the Polish intervention was the Russian-Swedish alliance. This gave the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth a formal pretext to declare war on Rus', because one of the goals of the alliance was precisely confrontation with Poland.
In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself at that time there was a strengthening of royal power. This was due to the fact that by 1609 King Sigismund III had suppressed the uprising of the dissatisfied gentry, which lasted three years. Now there is an opportunity for external expansion.
In addition, Russian-Polish contradictions have not gone away since the Livonian War, and hidden Polish intervention in the form of unofficial support for impostors did not give the expected result.
These factors served as the impetus for the decision to openly invade the territory of the Russian state by troops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in order to bring it under its full control. It was they who launched a chain of events, the links of which were the capture of the capital of Rus' by the Polish-Lithuanian army, and then the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.
Capture of Moscow by the Poles
In the fall of 1609, the Polish army, led by Hetman Stanislav Zholkiewski, invaded the territory of Rus' and besieged Smolensk. In the summer of 1610, they defeated Russian-Swedish troops in the decisive battle near Klushino and approached Moscow. On the other hand, Moscow was besieged by the army of False Dmitry II.
Meanwhile, the boyars overthrew Vasily Shuisky and imprisoned him in a monastery. They established a regime that is known as the Seven Boyars. But the boyars who usurped power were unpopular among the people. They could really only control Moscow. Fearing that power might be seized by the more popular False Dmitry II, the boyars colluded with the Poles.
By agreement, the son of Sigismund III Vladislav became the Russian Tsar, but at the same time converted to Orthodoxy. In the fall of 1610, the Polish army entered Moscow.
First militia
Thus, the capital of Rus' was captured by the Poles. From the first days of their stay, they began to commit outrages, which naturally caused displeasure among the local population. Hetman Zholkiewski left Moscow, and left Alexander Gonsevski in charge of the Polish garrison in the city.
At the beginning of 1611, under the leadership of Prince D. Trubetskoy, I. Zarutsky and P. Lyapunov, the so-called First Militia was formed. His goal was to begin the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. The main force of this army were the Ryazan nobles and Tushino Cossacks.
The army approached Moscow. At the same time, an uprising against the occupiers took place in the city, in which Dmitry Pozharsky, the future military commander during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, played a prominent role.
At this time, the militia managed to occupy Kitai-Gorod, but disagreements within it led to the murder of one of the leaders, Prokopiy Lyapunov. As a result, the militia actually disintegrated. The goal of the campaign was not achieved, and the liberation of Moscow from the Poles never took place.
Formation of the Second Militia
The year 1612 arrived. The liberation of Moscow from the Poles became the goal of the emerging Second Militia. The initiative for its creation came from the trade and craft class of Nizhny Novgorod, which suffered great oppression and losses during the Polish occupation. The people of Nizhny Novgorod did not recognize the authority of either False Dmitry II or Vladislav Zhigmontovich, the Prince of Poland.
One of the leading roles in the creation of the Second People's Militia was played by Kuzma Minin, who held the post of zemstvo elder. He called on the people to unite in the fight against the occupiers. In the future, he became famous as a military leader during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles and as a national hero. And then he was a simple artisan who managed to unite the masses of people who flocked to his call in Nizhny Novgorod from other parts of Rus'.
Among those who arrived was Prince Dmitry Pozharsky, another man who gained fame as a military leader during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612. He was called upon by the people's militia at a general meeting, asking Prince Pozharsky to lead the people in the fight against the interventionists. The prince could not refuse this request and added his own people to the army that began to form under the leadership of Minin.
The core of the militia consisted of the Nizhny Novgorod garrison of 750 people, but servicemen from Arzamas, Vyazma, Dorogobuzh and other cities responded to the call. It is impossible not to note the high abilities of Minin and Pozharsky in leading the formation of the army and in coordination with other cities of Russia. In essence, they formed a body that performs the role of government.
Later, during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, the Second People's Militia, when it had already approached the capital, was replenished with some groups from the disintegrated First Militia.
Thus, under the leadership of Minin and Pozharsky, a significant force was formed that was capable of successfully resisting the interventionists. Thus began the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612.
Personality of Dmitry Pozharsky
Now let's take a closer look at the personality of the man who became famous as a military commander during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. It was Dmitry Pozharsky who, at the behest of the people, became the main leader of the militia, and he deservedly owns a significant part of the contribution to this glorious victory. Who was he?
Dmitry Pozharsky belonged to an ancient princely family, which was a side branch of the Rurikovichs along the Starodub line. He was born in 1578, that is, at the time of the formation of the militia in the fall of 1611, he was about 33 years old. The father was Prince Pozharsky, and the mother was Maria Fedorovna Berseneva-Beklemisheva, on whose estate, given as a dowry, Dmitry was born.
Dmitry Pozharsky entered the public service during the reign of Boris Godunov. The future military leader, who commanded during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, under Tsar Vasily Shuisky led one of the detachments that opposed the army of False Dmitry II. Then he received the post of Zaraisk voivode.
Later, as mentioned above, Pozharsky was involved in organizing an uprising against the Poles in Moscow during the existence of the First People's Militia.
Naturally, a person who fought so stubbornly against foreign intervention could not help but respond to Kuzma Minin’s call. Not the least role in the fact that it was Dmitry Pozharsky who led the militia was played by the fact that he had an estate near Nizhny Novgorod, that is, the Nizhny Novgorod residents, who made up the backbone of the army, considered it theirs.
This was the man who led the militia during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles.
March on Moscow
We figured out who was in command during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, now let's dwell on the vicissitudes of the campaign itself.
The militia moved at the end of February 1612 from Nizhny Novgorod up the Volga towards Moscow. As he progressed, new people joined him. Most settlements greeted the militias with joy, and where local authorities tried to resist, as was the case in Kostroma, they were displaced and replaced by people loyal to the Russian army.
In April 1612, the militia entered Yaroslavl, where they remained almost until August 1612. Thus, Yaroslavl became the temporary capital. This period of development of the liberation movement took the name “Standing in Yaroslavl.”
Having learned that the army of Hetman Khodkevich was approaching Moscow to ensure its defense, Pozharsky at the end of July promptly sent several detachments from Yaroslavl, which approached directly to the capital, and in mid-August all militia forces were concentrated near Moscow.
Strengths of the parties
It became clear to everyone that a decisive battle was ahead. What was the number of troops on the warring sides and their deployment?
The total number of troops that were subordinate to Dmitry Pozharsky, according to sources, did not exceed eight thousand people. The backbone of this army were Cossack detachments numbering 4,000 people and one thousand archers. In addition to Pozharsky and Minin, the commanders of the militia were Dmitry Pozharsky-Lopata (a relative of the chief governor) and Ivan Khovansky-Bolshoy. Only the last of them at one time commanded significant military formations. The rest either, like Dmitry Pozharsky, had to command relatively small detachments, or had no leadership experience at all, like Pozharsky-Lopata.
Dmitry Trubetskoy, one of the leaders of the First Militia, brought with him another 2,500 Cossacks. Although he agreed to help the common cause, he at the same time retained the right not to carry out Pozharsky’s orders. Thus, the total number of the Russian army was 9,500-10,000 people.
The number of Polish troops of Hetman Chodkiewicz, approaching Moscow from the western side, numbered 12,000 people. The main force in it were the Zaporozhye Cossacks, numbering 8,000 soldiers under the command of Alexander Zborovsky. The most combat-ready part of the army was the hetman's personal detachment of 2,000 people.
The commanders of the Polish army - Chodkiewicz and Zborowski - had significant military experience. In particular, Chodkiewicz distinguished himself in suppressing the recent uprising of the gentry, as well as in the war with Sweden. Among other commanders, Nevyarovsky, Graevsky and Koretsky should be noted.
In addition to the 12,000 soldiers whom Chodkiewicz brought with him, there was also a three-thousand-strong Polish garrison in the Moscow Kremlin. It was led by Nikolai Strus and Joseph Budilo. These were also experienced warriors, but without any special military talents.
Thus, the total number of the Polish army reached 15,000 people.
The Russian militia was located near the walls of the White City, located between the Polish garrison entrenched in the Kremlin and Khodkiewicz’s troops, as if between a hammer and an anvil. Their numbers were smaller than those of the Poles, and the commanders did not have as much military experience. It seemed that the fate of the militia was predetermined.
Battle for Moscow
So, in August the battle began, the result of which was the liberation of Moscow from the Poles. The year of this battle will forever go down in Russian history.
The troops of Hetman Khodkevich were the first to attack, having crossed the Moscow River, they went to the gates of the Novodevichy Convent, where militia detachments were concentrated. A horse fight ensued. The Polish garrison attempted forays from its fortification, while Prince Trubetskoy waited and did not rush to help Pozharsky. It must be said that the military commander commanded quite wisely during the liberation of Moscow from the Poles, which did not allow the enemy to crush the positions of the militia at the initial stage. Khodkevich had to retreat.
After this, Pozharsky changed the deployment of troops, moving to Zamoskvorechye. The decisive battle took place on August 24. Hetman Khodkevich again threw his troops into the attack, hoping to crush the smaller militia. But it didn't work out the way he expected. The Russian troops stood firm, and Trubetskoy’s troops finally entered the battle.
Exhausted opponents decided to take a break. By evening the militia launched a counter-offensive. They crushed the enemy's positions and forced him to retreat to the city of Mozhaisk. Seeing this, the Polish garrison was forced to surrender to the militia. Thus ended the liberation of Moscow from foreign invaders.
Consequences
The liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612 was the turning point of the entire Russian-Polish War. True, hostilities continued for quite a long time.
In the spring of 1613, a representative of the new Romanov dynasty, Mikhail Fedorovich, was installed as king. This served to significantly strengthen Russian statehood.
At the end of 1618, it was finally concluded between the Russians and the Poles. As a result of this truce, Russia was forced to give up significant territories to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but retained the main thing - its statehood. In the future, this helped her recapture lost lands and even participate in the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth itself.
The meaning of the liberation of Moscow
It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the liberation of the Russian capital for Russian history. This event made it possible to preserve Russian statehood in the difficult struggle against the invaders. Therefore, the battle of Moscow is included in all textbooks on Russian history and is one of the significant dates.
We also remember the leaders of the Second Militia - Prince Pozharsky and Kuzma Minin, who have long had the status of national heroes. Holidays are dedicated to them, monuments are erected, and memory is honored.
PEOPLE'S MILITARY UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF MININA AND POZHARSKY, the unification of the patriotic forces of the Russian people at the final stage of the struggle against the Polish-Lithuanian and Swedish occupiers in the present day. XVII century It arose in a difficult situation, after the seizure of a significant part of the country by the interventionists, including Moscow and Smolensk, and the collapse due to acute contradictions of the first militia of 1611. In September 1611 in Nizhny Novgorod, the zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin turned to townspeople with a call to raise funds and create a militia to liberate the country. The population of the city was subject to a special tax for organizing the militia. Its military leader was invited by Prince. D.M. Pozharsky . Letters were sent from N. Novgorod to other cities calling for the collection of the militia. In addition to the townspeople and peasants, small and medium-sized nobles also gathered there. The main forces of the militia were formed in the cities and counties of the Volga region. The program of the people's militia consisted of liberating Moscow from interventionists, refusing to recognize sovereigns of foreign origin on the Russian throne (which was the goal of the boyar nobility, who invited the Polish prince Vladislav to the kingdom), and the creation of a new government. The actions of the militia were supported by the patriarch Hermogen, those who refused to comply with the demands of the Moscow traitor boyars to condemn the militia and called for a fight against the interventionists.
In March 1612, the militia set out from Nizhny Novgorod and headed towards Yaroslavl. Here a temporary “Council of the Whole Earth” was created - a government body in which the main role was played by townspeople and representatives of minor servicemen nobility. At the same time, the Volga region was cleared of detachments of Polish-Lithuanian interventionists. Managers Cossacks and the South Russian nobility I.M. Zarutsky and D.T. Trubetskoy entered into negotiations with Minin and Pozharsky about participation in the actions of the militia, but at the same time maintained secret connections with the interventionists.
In connection with the approach of large reinforcements to the Polish-Lithuanian garrison approaching Moscow, the people's militia set out from Yaroslavl and in July - AD. August 1612 approached Moscow, taking up positions along the western walls of the White City. In the battle of August 22 - 24, when Trubetskoy’s Cossacks also came to the aid of the militia, the Polish-Lithuanian troops under the command of Hetman Khodkiewicz, who were trying to break through from outside, were defeated and suffered heavy losses. Kremlin. Participants in the people's militia showed massive heroism in the battle, and their leaders showed high military skill and personal courage. Victory in the battle on August 22-24 sealed the fate of the enemy garrisons in the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod, which capitulated on October 22-26, 1612. The liberation of Moscow by the people's militia created the conditions for the restoration of state power in the country and served as a powerful impetus for the deployment of a mass liberation movement against the interventionists. all over the country. In November 1612, the leaders of the militia sent letters to the cities convening Zemsky Sobor for the election of a new king. The composition of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 reflected the outstanding role of the townspeople and the lower nobility, as well as the Cossacks in the war of liberation against the invaders.