date	Event
1959	Revolution in Cuba
1960	Nationalization of US spheres in Cuba
1961	Fidel appealed to the US government and was refused assistance. US missile deployment in Turkey.
May 20, 1962	Council of Ministers of Defense and Foreign Affairs with Khrushchev regarding Cuba
May 21, 1962	On May 21, at a meeting of the USSR Defense Council, this issue was raised for discussion of the deployment of missiles in Cuba
May 28, 1962	A delegation led by an ambassador was sent to Cuba.
June 10, 1962	Project for placing missile launchers in Cuba presented
Late June 1962	Plan developed for secret transfer of forces to Cuba
Early August 1962	The first ships with equipment and people were sent to Cuba
Late August 1962	The first photographs of American intelligence officers about missile launchers under construction
September 4, 1962	Kennedy's Statement to Congress on the Absence of Missile Forces in Cuba
September 5 - October 14, 1962	Termination of reconnaissance of Cuban territories by US aircraft
September 14, 1962	Pictures from a US reconnaissance plane of the missile launchers being built end up on Kennedy's desk.
October 18, 1962	The US President was visited by the USSR Foreign Minister
October 19, 1962	Reconnaissance aircraft confirms four launch sites in Cuba
October 20, 1962	Announcement of US Blockade of Cuba
October 23, 1962	Robert Kennedy goes to the USSR Embassy
October 24, 1962 - 10:00	Entry of the blockade of Cuba into force
October 24, 1962 - 12:00	Report to Khrushchev on the safe arrival of USSR warships in Cuba
October 25, 1962	Kennedy's demand for the dismantling of missile sites in Cuba
October 26, 1962	Khrushchev's refusal to Kennedy's demands
October 27, 1962 - 17:00	US spy plane spotted over Cuba
October 27, 1962 - 17:30	A reconnaissance plane invades Soviet territory
October 27, 1962 - 18:00	USSR fighters raised on combat alert
October 27, 1962 - 8:00 p.m.	US fighters and bombers are put on alert
October 27, 1962 - 9:00 p.m.	Fidel informs Khrushchev of US readiness to attack
From 27 to 28 October 1962	Meeting of Robert Kennedy with the USSR Ambassador
October 28, 1962 - 12:00	Meeting of the CPSU Central Committee and secret meeting.
October 28, 1962 - 14:00	Prohibition of the use of USSR anti-aircraft installations on Cuban territory
October 28, 1962 - 15:00	The Khrushchev-Kennedy connection
October 28, 1962 - 16:00	Khrushchev's order to dismantle missile launchers
In 3 weeks	Completion of dismantling and lifting of the embargo on Cuba
2 months later	Complete dismantling of US missile launchers in Turkey

Causes of the Caribbean Conflict

The Cuban Missile Crisis is a common name for a very complex and tense relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. So intense that nuclear war was not a surprise to anyone.

It all started when America, in 1961, placed its missiles with nuclear warheads on Turkish territory. And it continued with the fact that the USSR responded by locating military bases in Cuba. Also with nuclear charges and a full complement of military units.

The world at that time froze in anticipation of a planetary catastrophe.

The tension of that time reached the point that a nuclear war could start from a single harsh statement from one side or another.

But the diplomats of that time were able to find a common language and resolve the conflict peacefully. Not without tense moments, not without echoes, even in our time, but they did it. How it all happened is described below.

Beachhead in Cuba

The cause of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, contrary to popular belief, was not hidden in the deployment of military units in Cuba.

The beginning of this conflict was laid by the US government when it placed its nuclear and atomic missiles on the territory of modern Turkey.

The missile equipment of American bases was medium-range.

This made it possible to hit the key targets of the Soviet Union in the shortest possible time. Including cities and the capital - Moscow.

Naturally, this state of affairs did not suit the USSR. And when a note of protest was issued, having received a refusal to withdraw troops from Turkey, the Union took retaliatory measures. Hidden, unnoticed and secret.

Regular troops of the USSR were stationed on the Cuban Islands, in the strictest secrecy. Infantry, technical support, equipment and missiles.

Missiles of various calibers and purposes:

1. medium range;
2. tactical missiles;
3. ballistic missiles.

Each of them could carry a nuclear warhead. The secrecy of such actions was not due to an act of aggression, as it is presented now, but solely without provocative meaning, so as not to start a nuclear war.

The very deployment of troops in Cuba was strategically justified and was more of a defensive nature.

With the help of this presence near the coast of the United States, the Union deterred possible acts of aggression from Turkish-American deployments.

The Cuban missile crisis was caused by the following actions of the parties:

1. Deployment of American medium-range nuclear missile launchers in Turkey in 1961.
2. USSR assistance to the Cuban authorities in 1962, after the revolution in protecting sovereignty.
3. US blockade of Cuba in 1962.
4. Deployment of medium-range nuclear missile launchers and USSR troops on Cuban territory.
5. Violation of the borders of the USSR and Cuba by American reconnaissance aircraft.

Chronology of events

Speaking about the chronology of events, we should look at a slightly earlier time from the beginning of the nuclear race between the USA and the USSR. This story begins in 1959, during the Cold War between the superpowers and the Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro.

Since the confrontation between the two countries was not local and clearly expressed, each of them tried to cover a larger number of zones of influence.

The United States placed its main emphasis on third world countries with pro-American sentiments, and the Soviet Union on countries of the same world, but with socialist sentiments.

At first, the Cuban Revolution did not attract the attention of the Union, although the country's leadership turned to the USSR for help. But Cuba's appeal to the Americans was even more disastrous.

The US President pointedly refused to meet with Castro.

This caused serious indignation in Cuba and, as a result, the complete nationalization of all internal US resources in the country.

Moreover, this outcome of events aroused interest on the part of the USSR and the next appeal for help was heard. Cuban oil and sugar resources were redirected from the United States to the USSR, and an agreement was reached on the stationing of regular Union troops in the country.

The United States, of course, was not satisfied with such a preponderance of forces and, under the pretext of expanding NATO bases, military bases were placed on Turkish territory, where medium-range missiles with nuclear warheads were located ready for combat.

And the next stage in the development of the Caribbean crisis was the secret deployment of USSR troops on Cuban territory. Also with a full load of nuclear weapons.

Naturally, these events did not happen in one day. They lasted for several years, which will be discussed below.

October 14, 1962. The beginning of the Crisis. Kennedy's decision

On this day, after a long absence over Cuban territory, an American reconnaissance aircraft took photographs. Upon closer examination by US military experts, they were identified as launch pads for nuclear missiles.

And after a more thorough study, it became clear that the sites are similar to those located on the territory of the USSR.

This event shocked the American government so much that President Kennedy (the first during his entire presidency in the United States) introduced the FCON-2 danger level. This in fact meant the start of a war with the use of weapons of mass destruction (including nuclear ones).

The US decision could be the beginning of a nuclear war.

He himself and everyone else in the World understood this. It was necessary to find a solution to this issue as soon as possible.

Critical phase. World on the brink of nuclear war

Relations between the two powers became so tense that other countries did not even begin to participate in the discussion of this issue. The conflict should have been resolved between the USSR and the USA, which participated in the Cuban Missile Crisis.

After the introduction of level two martial law in the States, the world came to a standstill. In essence, this meant that the war had begun. But understanding of the consequences on both sides did not allow them to press the main button.

In the year of the Cuban Missile Crisis, ten days after it began (October 24), a blockade of Cuba was declared. Which also effectively meant a declaration of war on this country.

Cuba also imposed retaliatory sanctions.

Several US reconnaissance aircraft were even shot down over Cuban territory. What could have greatly influenced the decision to start a nuclear war. But common sense prevailed.

Understanding that prolonging the situation would lead to its intractability, both powers sat down at the negotiating table.

October 27, 1962 - “Black Saturday”: the apogee of the Crisis

It all started when a U-2 reconnaissance plane was spotted over Cuba in the morning during a storm.

It was decided to make a request to higher headquarters to receive instructions. But due to communication problems (the storm may have played a role), the orders were not received. And the plane was shot down on the orders of local commanders.

Almost at the same time, the USSR air defense spotted the same reconnaissance aircraft over Chukotka. MiG military fighters were raised on combat alert. Naturally, the American side learned about the incident and, fearing a massive nuclear strike, raised fighter jets over its side.

The U-2 was out of fighter range, so it was not shot down.

As it turned out during the investigation of the USSR and the USA, the pilot of the plane simply went off course while performing air intakes over the North Pole.

Almost at the same moment, reconnaissance aircraft were fired at from anti-aircraft guns over Cuba.

From the outside, it seemed like the beginning of a war and one of the sides preparing for an attack. Castro, convinced of this, wrote to Khrushchev about the attack first, so as not to lose time and advantage.

And Kennedy’s advisers, seeing fighters and long-range aviation aircraft scrambled in the USSR due to the U-2 plane going astray, insisted on an immediate bombing of Cuba. Namely, USSR bases.

But neither Kennedy nor Nikita Khrushchev listened to anyone.

Initiative of the American President and Khrushchev's proposal

Meeting between Khrushchev and Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis

The understanding on both sides that something irreparable could happen held both countries back. The fate of the Caribbean crisis was decided at the highest level on both sides of the ocean. They began to solve the problem at the level of diplomacy, in order to find a peaceful way out of the situation.

The turning point occurred after mutual proposals to resolve the Cuban missile crisis. President Kennedy took the initiative to send a demand to the USSR government to remove missiles from Cuba.

But the initiative was only announced. Nikita Khrushchev was the first to propose to America - to lift the blockade from Cuba and sign a non-aggression pact against it. To which the USSR dismantles missiles on its territory. A little later, a condition was added about the dismantling of missile launchers in Turkey.

A series of meetings in both countries led to the resolution of this situation. The implementation of the agreements began on the morning of October 28.

Resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis

“Black Saturday” was the closest thing to a global catastrophe that day. It was she who influenced the decision to end the conflict peacefully for both world powers. Despite the sharp confrontation, the US and USSR governments made a mutual decision to end the conflict.

The reason for the outbreak of war could be any minor conflict or emergency situation. Like, for example, a U-2 that went off course. And the results of such a situation would be catastrophic for the whole world. Starting with the arms race.

The situation could have ended in the death of millions of people.

And realizing this helped both sides make the right decision.

The accepted agreements were fulfilled by both parties in the shortest possible time. For example, the dismantling of USSR missile launchers in Cuba began on October 28. Any shelling of enemy aircraft was also prohibited.

Three weeks later, when there was not a single installation left in Cuba, the blockade was lifted. And two months later the installations in Turkey were dismantled.

The Cuban Revolution and its role in the conflict

At a time when the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union was intensifying, events took place in Cuba that seemed in no way connected with the global confrontation between the two world powers. But in the end, they played a significant role in the course and completion of the world conflict.

After the revolution in Cuba, Castro came to power and, first of all, as his closest neighbors, turned to the States for help. But due to an incorrect assessment of the situation, the US government refused to help Fidel. Considering that there is no time to deal with Cuban issues.

Just at this moment, US missile launchers were deployed in Turkey.

Fidel, realizing that there would be no help from the United States, turned to the Union.

Although at his first appeal he was also refused, but due to the deployment of missile units near the borders of the USSR, the communists reconsidered their opinion and decided to support the Cuban revolutionaries. By inclining them from nationalist ambitions to communist ones.

And also by placing nuclear missile launchers on Cuban territory (under the pretext of protecting against a US attack on Cuba).

Events developed along two vectors. Help Cuba defend its sovereignty and lift the blockade from the outside. And also a guarantee of the security of the USSR in a possible nuclear conflict. Since the missiles deployed on the Cuban Islands were within the reach of America and in particular Washington.

US missile positions in Turkey

The United States of America, by placing its missile launchers in Turkey, near the city of Izmir, inherently provoked a conflict between itself and the Soviet Union.

Although the US President was confident that such a step would have no significance, since ballistic missiles from US submarines could reach the same territory.

But the Kremlin reacted completely differently. America's fleet ballistics, although it could achieve the same goals, would have taken much longer. Thus, in the event of a surprise attack, the USSR would have time to repel the attack.

US submarines were not always on combat duty.

And at the time of release they were always under the close supervision of the Soviet Union.

The missile launchers in Turkey, although obsolete, could reach Moscow in a matter of minutes. Which endangered the entire European part of the country. This was precisely the reason for the USSR’s turn towards relations with Cuba. Just having lost friendly relations with the States.

Resolution of the 1962 Caribbean conflict

The crisis ended on October 28. On the night of the 27th, President Kennedy sent his brother Robert to the Soviet Ambassador at the USSR Embassy. A conversation took place where Robert expressed the president’s fear that the situation could get out of control and create a chain of events that could not be reversed.

Consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis (briefly)

As strange as it may sound, not everyone was happy with the peaceful resolution of the situation. For example, the Central Committee of the CPSU removed Khrushchev from his post two years after the crisis. Motivating this by the fact that he made concessions to America.

In Cuba, the dismantling of our missiles was regarded as a betrayal. Because they expected an attack on the United States and were ready to take the first blow. Also, many of America's military leadership were unhappy.

The Cuban Missile Crisis marked the beginning of global disarmament.

Showing the whole world that an arms race can lead to disaster.

In history, the Caribbean conflict left a noticeable mark and many countries took the situation as an example of how not to behave on the world stage. But today, there is an almost similar situation with the very beginning of the Cold War. And again there are two main players in the arena - America and Russia, who decided the fate of the Caribbean crisis and the World half a century ago.

Results of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis

In conclusion, let us summarize how the Cuban Missile Crisis ended.

1. Conclusion of a peace agreement between the USSR and the USA.
2. Direct emergency telephone line Kremlin-White House.
3. Nuclear Missile Disarmament Treaty.
4. Guarantee of non-aggression against Cuba by the United States.
5. Dismantling USSR missile launchers in Cuba and US missiles in Turkey.
6. Cuba regarded the behavior of the USSR as a betrayal towards it.
7. Removal of Khrushchev from office in the USSR due to “concessions to the USA” and the assassination of Kennedy in America.

The Caribbean (Cuban) crisis of 1962 is an international conflict situation caused by the deployment of Soviet medium-range missiles in Cuba. Humanity has fully experienced the reality of the apocalypse. Fortunately, reason then prevailed over recklessness and runaway emotions. For the first time, statesmen of the USSR, USA and Cuba realized what a “nuclear impasse” was, and, having shown the necessary realism in eliminating the crisis situation, they found the strength to embark on the path of solving the most pressing international problems not by military, but by diplomatic means. And it will not be an exaggeration to say that the lessons of the crisis, warning against hasty, ill-considered actions, have become a serious contribution to the development of new thinking and new approaches to events on the world stage.

The external outline of those long-standing events is well known: on October 14, 1962, reconnaissance aircraft of the US Air Force discovered Soviet missiles on the “Island of Liberty” - in the Republic of Cuba - that posed a real threat to the security of the United States. American President John F. Kennedy demanded that the Soviet government withdraw the missiles. These events could bring the world to the brink of nuclear missile war.

This is a brief summary of that distant history, behind which the cardinal turns of world politics are hidden.

The purpose of my essay: to show the causes of the conflict between the USSR and the USA in the post-war decades, to determine how serious and fruitful the steps were to prevent them, and to mention the lessons and consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Chapter 1. Causes of the Caribbean crisis

1.1 Political causes of the crisis

RUSSIAN-CUBAN relations have deep historical roots. Suffice it to recall that the first honorary consul of Russia was accredited to Cuba back in 1826.

To be fair, it must be said that in general, until the early 60s of the 20th century, bilateral relations with Cuba developed rather formally. Before the victory of the 1959 revolution, Cuba was firmly in the orbit of US geopolitical interests. This was primarily due to its advantageous position in the center of the Caribbean and the significant resource potential of the island. Having the formal status of an independent state,...Cuba, since the beginning of the century, has actually turned out to be cruelly oriented towards the United States. Under these conditions, the United States managed to consolidate its influence through the so-called “Plata Amendment,” which was included under pressure in the Cuban Constitution. According to the amendment, the United States received an unprecedented right to direct military intervention in the internal affairs of the Cuban state in the event that Washington considers that the stability of the country is under threat.

Immediately after the revolution in Cuba in 1959, neither Fidel Castro nor his associates had not only any contacts with the Soviet Union or other socialist states, but even elementary knowledge of Marxism-Leninism and communist teaching.

During his fight against the regime in the 1950s, Castro appealed to Moscow several times for military assistance, but was refused. Moscow was skeptical about the leader of the Cuban revolutionaries and the very prospects for revolution in Cuba, believing that the US influence there was too great.

The US authorities greeted the Cuban revolution with open hostility:

· In April 1961, detachments of counter-revolutionary mercenaries were landed on the territory of the Republic of Cuba in the Playa Giron area (they were defeated by the decisive actions of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Cuba)

· In February 1962, under US pressure, Cuba was expelled from the Organization of American States (OAS)

· The United States constantly violated the borders of Cuba, invading its air and sea space, bombing Cuban cities; A pirate raid was carried out on the coastal areas of Havana.

Fidel made his first foreign visit after the victory of the revolution to the United States, but President Eisenhower refused to meet with him, citing being busy. After this demonstration of an arrogant attitude towards Cuba, F. Castro took measures against the dominance of the Americans. Thus, the telephone and electric companies, oil refineries, and 36 largest sugar factories owned by US citizens were nationalized; the previous owners were offered corresponding packages of securities. All branches of North American banks owned by US citizens were also nationalized. In response, the United States stopped supplying Cuba with oil and buying its sugar, although a long-term purchase agreement was in effect. Such steps put Cuba in a very difficult situation. By that time, the Cuban government had already established diplomatic relations with the USSR, and it turned to Moscow for help. Responding to the request, the USSR sent tankers with oil and organized purchases of Cuban sugar.

Cuba can be considered to be the first country to choose the communist path without significant military or political interference from the USSR. As such, it was deeply symbolic for Soviet leaders, especially Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, who considered the defense of the island critical to the international reputation of the USSR and communist ideology.

1.2 Military causes of the crisis

The crisis was preceded by the deployment of Jupiter medium-range missiles in Turkey in 1961 by the United States, which directly threatened cities in the western part of the Soviet Union. This type of missile “reached” Moscow and the main industrial centers. Moreover, the United States planned to deploy strategic missiles in Japan and Italy, which was intended to change both the proportionality of nuclear charges and their carriers in the ratio of 17: 1 in favor of the United States, and to reduce “ flight time", which is an important strategic characteristic of nuclear deterrence. Let us note the following important, but practically unknown to contemporaries, circumstance. Relying on its imaginary scientific and technological superiority, the United States believed that from now on space and other technical reconnaissance means would reliably guarantee the security of the country and therefore decided to postpone the severity of intelligence activities from human intelligence to technical ones. From this - which later turned out to be false - premise, by the way, a rather dubious conclusion was made that in intelligence confrontation the center of gravity also needs to be shifted from intelligence protection of state secrets to technical ones, focusing the main attention. on countering enemy technical intelligence.

Soviet strategists realized that they could effectively achieve some nuclear parity by placing missiles in Cuba. Soviet medium-range missiles on Cuban territory, having a firing range of up to 4,000 km (R-14), could keep Washington and about half of the airbases of strategic nuclear bombers of the US Strategic Air Force at gunpoint, with a flight time of less than 20 minutes.

The head of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev, publicly expressed his indignation at the deployment of missiles in Turkey. He considered these missiles a personal insult. The deployment of missiles in Cuba, the first time Soviet missiles left the USSR, is considered a direct response by Khrushchev to American missiles in Turkey. In his memoirs, Khrushchev writes that the idea to place missiles in Cuba first came to him in 1962, when he headed a delegation of the Soviet Union visiting Bulgaria at the invitation of the Bulgarian Central Committee of the Communist Party and the government. “There, one of his comrades, pointing towards the Black Sea, said that on the opposite shore, in Turkey, there were missiles capable of striking the main industrial centers of the USSR within 15 minutes.”

Thus, given this balance of power, the actions of the USSR at that time were truly forced. The Soviet government needed to balance its military potential, if not by increasing the number of missiles, but by strategically placing them. The USSR began to view Cuba as a springboard for a “symmetrical response” to the threat from American missiles in Europe.

The United States, pursuing an aggressive policy against Cuba, not only did not achieve positive results, but also showed all of humanity that its own national interests are more important to them than the generally accepted norms of international law, of which they have always positioned themselves as the defender.

Chapter 2. Missile Deployment

2.1 Decision making

“The idea of ​​installing missiles with atomic warheads in Cuba came to Khrushchev solely for the purpose of protecting Cuba. He was in Bulgaria in 1962, I think in mid-May. He came and told me that he had been thinking all the time about how to save Cuba from the invasion that , as he believed, would inevitably happen again, but with different forces, with the expectation of a complete victory for the Americans “And the thought came to me,” he said, “what if we send our missiles there, quickly and quietly install them there, then announce them to the Americans, firstly. diplomatic channels, and then publicly. This will immediately put them in their place. Any attack on Cuba will mean an attack directly on their territory, and this will lead them to abandon any plans to attack Cuba."

On May 20, 1962, Nikita Khrushchev had a conversation in the Kremlin with Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Anastas Mikoyan and Defense Minister Rodion Malinovsky, during which he outlined to them his idea: in response to Fidel Castro’s constant requests for an increase in the Soviet military presence in Cuba, station on the island nuclear weapon.

On May 21, at a meeting of the Defense Council, he supported N.S.’s proposal. Khrushchev. The Ministries of Defense and Foreign Affairs were tasked with organizing the covert movement of troops and military equipment by sea to Cuba.

On May 28, a Soviet delegation consisting of USSR Ambassador Alekseev, Commander-in-Chief of the Strategic Missile Forces Marshal Sergei Biryuzov, Colonel General Semyon Pavlovich Ivanov, and Sharaf Rashidov flew from Moscow to Havana. On May 29 they met with Raul and Fidel Castro and presented them with the proposal of the CPSU Central Committee. Fidel asked for 24 hours to negotiate with his closest associates. On the same day, Castro gave a positive response to the Soviet delegates. It was decided that Raul Castro would visit Moscow in July to clarify all the details.

2.2 Composition of the contingent

On June 10, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, the results of the Soviet delegation’s trip to Cuba were discussed. After Rashidov’s report, Malinovsky presented a preliminary draft of the missile transfer operation, prepared at the General Staff. It was planned to deploy the 43rd Missile Division in Cuba, armed with R-12 and R-14 nuclear missiles with a range of up to 2.5 thousand and 5 thousand km, respectively, which made it possible to hit any targets on the continental United States up to Canadian border. In addition, it was planned to deploy cruise missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads with a range of up to 60 km. It was planned...also...to deploy naval (2 cruisers, 4 destroyers, 12 Komar missile boats, 11 submarines) and aviation groups (1 Mi-4 helicopter regiment, 4 motorized rifle regiments, two tank battalions, a squadron) as auxiliary forces MiG-21, 42 Il-28 light bombers, 2 units of cruise missiles with 12 Kt nuclear warheads with a range of 160 km, several batteries of anti-aircraft guns, as well as 12 S-75 installations). A total of 50,874 troops were planned to be sent to the island. Later, on July 7, Khrushchev decided to appoint Issa Pliev as commander of the group. After listening to Malinovsky’s report, the Presidium of the Central Committee voted unanimously to carry out the operation.

2.3 Anadyr

By June 1962, the General Staff had already developed a cover operation codenamed "Anadyr". The operation was planned and led by Marshal of the USSR Hovhannes Khachaturovich Bagramyan. According to the drafters of the plan, this was supposed to mislead the Americans regarding the destination of the goods. All Soviet military personnel, technical personnel and others accompanying the “cargo” were also told that they were heading to Chukotka. But, despite such a large-scale cover, the operation had one significant flaw: it was impossible to hide the missiles from American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft that regularly flew over Cuba. Thus, the plan was developed in advance taking into account the fact that the Americans would discover the Soviet missiles before they were all installed. The only way out that the military was able to find was to place several anti-aircraft batteries already in Cuba at the unloading sites.

85 ships were allocated to transport troops. Before sailing, not a single captain knew about the contents of the holds, as well as the destination. Each captain was given a sealed package, which had to be opened at sea in the presence of the political officer. The envelopes contained instructions to proceed to Cuba and avoid contact with NATO ships.

At the beginning of August, the first ships arrived in Cuba. On the night of September 8, the first batch of medium-range ballistic missiles was unloaded in Havana; the second batch arrived on September 16. The headquarters of the Group of Soviet Forces in Cuba (GSVK) is located in Havana. The main troops were concentrated around the missiles in the western part of the island, but several cruise missiles and a motorized rifle regiment were deployed to the east of Cuba - a hundred kilometers from Guantanamo Bay and the US naval base in Guantanamo Bay. By October 14, 1962, all 40 missiles and most of the equipment were delivered to Cuba.

It is worth noting that although the Americans almost from the very beginning had information about the Soviet Union providing military assistance to Cuba and conducted intensive aerial photography of the island, they did not have concrete evidence of the deployment of Soviet offensive weapons there. The Soviet side explained the equipment of sites and access roads on the island with the deployment of defensive air defense systems. In September-October 1962, dense clouds and successive hurricanes in the Caribbean prevented the Americans from conducting regular photographic reconnaissance from the air. Thus, a military group was formed in the immediate vicinity of US territory, a possible strike from which in the event of a US conflict would be extremely difficult to evade.

Chapter 3. Escalation and resolution of conflict

3.1 Operation Mongoose

The United States also carried out large-scale military measures: Washington developed a special plan to eliminate the government of Fidel Castro, code-named “Mongoose.” This plan included two stages:

· August-September 1962 - preparation and beginning of the anti-Castro “rebel” movement in Cuba

· October - organization of a “popular uprising” with the support of American intelligence services and troops with a possible landing of American troops on the island

In preparation for the implementation of this plan, large-scale naval maneuvers were conducted off the coast of Cuba in August 1962, in which 45 military personnel and more than 100,000 marines participated.

On August 23, 1962, John Kennedy ordered increased efforts to "deliberately incite a full-scale insurrection against Castro." This act clearly demonstrates the complete fiasco of American intelligence in obtaining objective information about the events taking place on the island.

3.2 U-2 flights

A U-2 flight in late August photographed a number of anti-aircraft missile sites under construction, but on September 4, 1962, Kennedy told Congress that there were no “offensive” missiles in Cuba. In fact, Soviet specialists at that time were already building nine positions - six for the R-12 and three for the R-14 with a range of 4,000 km. Until September 1962, US Air Force aircraft flew over Cuba twice a month. From September 5 to October 14, flights were stopped. On the one hand, due to bad weather, on the other, Kennedy banned them for fear of escalating the conflict if an American plane was shot down by a Soviet anti-aircraft missile.

It is worth noting that until September 5, the flights were carried out with the knowledge of the CIA. Now such flights have come under the control of the Air Force. First flight took place on October 14, 1962. Lockheed U-2 reconnaissance aircraft of the 4080th Strategic...Reconnaissance...Wing,...manned. Maj. Richard Heiser, took off at about 3 a.m. from Edwards Air Force Base in California. The flight to the Gulf of Mexico took him 5 hours. Heizer flew around Cuba from the west. and crossed the coastline from the south at 7:31 am. The plane crossed the entire Cuba almost exactly from south to north, flying over the cities of Taco Taco, San Cristobal, Bahia Honda. Heizer covered these 52 kilometers in 12 minutes.

Landing at an air base in southern Florida, Heizer handed the film to the CIA. On October 15, CIA analysts determined that the photographs contained Soviet R-12 medium-range ballistic missiles (SS-4 by NATO reporting name). In the evening. On the same day, this information was brought to the attention of the highest. military US leadership. In the morning.16. October at 8:45 the photographs were shown to the president. After that, on Kennedy's orders, flights over Cuba became 90 times more frequent: from twice a month to six times a day.

3.3 Development of response measures

“By October 22, when US President John Kennedy spoke on American radio and television with a message about the discovery of Soviet missiles in Cuba, all 42 missiles and their warheads, as well as military personnel, were already in place. Some missiles were put on alert. Some of our ships were still on the way, but they had auxiliary equipment and food for the military contingent, which, if necessary, could be done without.”

After receiving photographs indicating Soviet missile bases in Cuba, President Kennedy assembled a special group of advisers for a secret meeting at the White House. This group of 14 people later became known as the “Executive Committee.” It consisted of members of the US National Security Council and several specially invited advisers.

Soon the committee offered the president three possible options for resolving the situation:

An immediate bomb attack was rejected out of hand. To the president's direct question, Secretary of Defense R. McNamara replied that. it cannot guarantee 100% destruction of air defense batteries during an air strike.

Diplomatic methods, barely touched upon on the first day of work, were immediately rejected - even before the main discussion began. In the end, the choice was reduced to a naval blockade and ultimatum, or a full-scale invasion.

3.4 Quarantine and worsening crisis

President Kennedy addressed the American public (and the Soviet government) in a televised speech on October 22. By this time, all 42 missiles and their warheads, as well as military personnel, were already in place. Some missiles were put on alert. Some of the Soviet ships were still on the way, but they had auxiliary equipment and food for the military contingent, which, if necessary, could be done without.

In his address, John Kennedy confirmed the presence of missiles in Cuba and declared a naval blockade of a 500 nautical mile (926 km) quarantine zone around the coast of Cuba, warning that the armed forces were "prepared for any eventuality" and condemning the Soviet Union for "secrecy and misrepresentation."

Nikita Khrushchev stated that the blockade was illegal and that any ship flying the Soviet flag would ignore it. He threatened that if Soviet ships were attacked by American ships, a retaliatory strike would follow immediately.

However, the blockade went into effect on October 24 at 10:00. 180 US Navy ships surrounded Cuba with clear orders not to open fire on Soviet ships under any circumstances without personal orders from the President.

At the same time, the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee decided to bring the armed forces of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries to a state of increased combat readiness. All layoffs have been cancelled. Conscripts preparing for demobilization are ordered to remain at their duty stations until further notice. Khrushchev sent Castro an encouraging letter, assuring him of the unshakable position of the USSR under any circumstances. Moreover, he knew that a significant part of the Soviet weapons had already reached Cuba.

On the evening of October 23, Robert Kennedy went to the Soviet embassy in Washington. At a meeting with Ambassador Dobrynin, Kennedy found out that he had no idea about the USSR's military preparations in Cuba. However, Dobrynin told him that he knew about the instructions received by the captains of Soviet ships - not to comply with illegal demands on the high seas. Before leaving, Kennedy said: “I don’t know how this will all end, but we intend to stop your ships.”

On October 24, Khrushchev received a short telegram from Kennedy, in which he called on the Soviet leader to show prudence and comply with the terms of the blockade. The Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee met to discuss the official response to the imposition of the blockade. On the same day, Khrushchev sent a letter to the US President in which he accused him of setting difficult conditions. Khrushchev called the blockade “an act of aggression pushing humanity into the abyss of a world nuclear missile war.” In the letter, the First Secretary warned Kennedy that the captains of Soviet ships would not comply with the instructions of the American Navy, and also that if the United States continued its piracy activities, the USSR government would take any measures to ensure the safety of the ships.

In response to Khrushchev’s message, Kennedy received a letter to the Kremlin, in which he indicated that “the Soviet side broke its promises regarding Cuba and misled him.” This time, Khrushchev decided not to go into confrontation and began to look for possible ways out of the current situation. He announced to the members of the Presidium that it was practically impossible to store missiles in Cuba without going to war with the United States. At the meeting, it was decided to offer the Americans to dismantle the missiles in exchange for US guarantees to abandon attempts to change the state regime in Cuba. Brezhnev, Kosygin, Kozlov, Mikoyan, Ponomarev and Suslov supported Khrushchev. Gromyko and Malinovsky abstained from voting.

On the morning of October 26, Nikita Khrushchev began drafting a new, less militant message to Kennedy. In the letter, he offered the Americans the option of dismantling the installed missiles and returning them to the Soviet Union. In exchange, he demanded guarantees that the United States would not invade Cuba or support any other force that intended to invade Cuba. Another condition was conveyed in an open radio message on the morning of October 27, which acknowledged the withdrawal of US missiles from Turkey in addition to the demands specified in the letter.

3.5 Black Saturday

Meanwhile, in Havana, the political situation was tense to the limit. Castro became aware of the new position of the Soviet Union, and he immediately went to the Soviet embassy. Fidel decided to write a letter to Khrushchev to push him to more decisive action. Even before Castro finished the letter and sent it to the Kremlin, the head of the KGB station in Havana notified the First Secretary that, in the opinion of F. Castro, an intervention. almost. is inevitable and will happen in the next 24-72 hours. At the same time, Malinovsky received a report from the commander of Soviet troops in Cuba, General I.A. Pliev about the increased activity of American strategic aviation in the Caribbean. Both messages were delivered to Khrushchev's office in the Kremlin at 12 noon, Saturday, October 27.

On the same day, an American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft was shot down by an anti-aircraft missile during a reconnaissance flight. Its pilot, Anderson, was killed. Situation. V. USA. heated up. to the limit: Americans call that day “Black...Saturday.” The President,...subject to the strongest...pressure from the “hawks” who demanded immediate retribution, regarded this event as the USSR’s determination not to retreat in the face of threats, even at the risk of a nuclear war. If before that he adhered to an arsenal of traditional military-diplomatic means, now he realized that only diplomacy, only equal negotiations and compromises could become effective means of resolving the crisis.

3.6 Resolution

On the night of October 27-28, on the instructions of the President, Robert Kennedy again met with the Soviet ambassador in the building of the Ministry of Justice. Kennedy shared with Dobrynin the president's fears that the situation might be about to get out of control. Robert Kennedy said that his brother was ready to give guarantees of non-aggression and the speedy lifting of the blockade from Cuba. Dobrynin asked Kennedy about the missiles in Turkey. “If this is the only obstacle to achieving the settlement mentioned above, then the President does not see insurmountable difficulties in resolving the issue,” Kennedy responded.

The next morning, a message from Kennedy arrived in the Kremlin, which stated: “1) You will agree to withdraw your weapons systems from Cuba under the appropriate supervision of UN representatives, and also take steps, subject to appropriate security measures, to stop the supply of the same weapons systems to Cuba.2) We, for our part, will agree - subject to the creation, with the help of the UN, of a system of adequate measures to ensure the fulfillment of these obligations - a) quickly cancel the blockade measures currently in place and b) give guarantees of non-aggression against Cuba. I am sure. "that the rest of the countries of the Western Hemisphere will be ready to do the same."

The Soviet leadership accepted these conditions. On the same day, Malinovsky sent Pliev an order to begin dismantling the R-12 launch pads. The dismantling of Soviet missile launchers, loading them onto ships and removing them from Cuba took 3 weeks. Convinced that the Soviet Union had withdrawn the missiles, President Kennedy on November 20 ordered an end to the blockade of Cuba. A few months later, American missiles were also withdrawn from Turkey as “obsolete.”

Chapter 4. Consequences and lessons of the Caribbean crisis

The crisis had multifaceted and far-reaching consequences, both positive and negative. Among the first, the following should be highlighted:

· the superpowers' awareness of their own vulnerability and dependence on each other. It has become obvious that the nuclear confrontation between the USA and the USSR poses an existential threat to the entire world; a kind of “rules of behavior” were developed that made it possible to prevent such acute crisis situations from arising in relations between Moscow and Washington in the future.

· Immediately after the end of the crisis, both sides adopted conditions aimed at consolidating the agreements reached and improving the security mechanism. A direct hotline was established between Washington and Moscow; in 1963 The Treaty to Stop Nuclear Testing in Three Environments (atmosphere, space and underwater) was signed.

However, along with the positive ones, the Cuban missile crisis also had negative consequences:

· it was not possible to put a reliable barrier to the process of proliferation of nuclear weapons, since the Republic of South Africa and Israel mastered the technologies for producing atomic bombs in the second half of the 70s.

· in the conditions of the Cold War, the struggle for dominance in the world between the USSR and the USA continued indirectly - as if moving from the global to other levels of the world order (conflicts and wars between the “vassals” of the two superpowers).

The Cuban missile crisis, despite all its internal intensity and drama, allows us to draw a number of useful lessons that can be used in the future:

Lesson #1. Paradoxically, it was the presence of nuclear weapons that helped maintain fragile peace on Earth for more than half a century. From this we can conclude that a person’s need for self-preservation is great enough to resist the temptation of a nuclear adventure.

Lesson No. 2. Conflicts have existed in the past, and they will continue in the new millennium, as international relations are oversaturated with contradictions. Therefore, it is more rational not to deny their presence and not to strive to get rid of them in one fell swoop, but to learn to get along with conflicts, control and regulate them.

Lesson #3. " Especially for us: you cannot be weak, because the weak are pitied or despised, but not respected. Moreover, they are not taken into account." In order to reliably protect its national interests and make any encroachment on our country unprofitable, Russia must be able to inflict unacceptable damage on any potential aggressor.

Conclusion

So in the middle XX V. humanity, having walked along the edge of the nuclear abyss, safely passed the third world war.

For the Soviet Union, perhaps, the end of the Cuban Missile Crisis was more beneficial than for the Americans. The USSR achieved the withdrawal of missiles from Turkey and confirmed the strategic parity between the two great powers. True, this crisis did not benefit Khrushchev personally. He showed his mistakes, thoughtlessness of strategically important decisions, and political shortsightedness. He was criticized both by fraternal parties and by his party comrades for his decision to withdraw troops from Cuba, but from the perspective of today it is clearly clear that he was right. Then the world was saved by the mutual reluctance of war, and some progressiveness of the “new” politicians then in power. The fear of nuclear war turned out to be stronger than the own desires of both sides.

In my opinion, the Cuban Missile Crisis was as bitter but a useful lesson for humanity as Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Tens of thousands died then, but the whole world realized the horror of a nuclear disaster, and their death saved millions in the future.

List of used literature

1. Yu.V. Aksyutin “Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev. Materials for the biography”, POLITIZDAT, 1989.

2. Mikoyan S.A. "", Academia, 2006.

3. "State security from Alexander I to Putin", M., 2005.

4. Mikoyan S.A. "Jump overseas. Why rockets?" // Latin America, 2003 No. 1.

5. Vostikov S.V. “Tightrope walk at the forefront of war” // Latin America, 2003 No. 1.

6. Morozov V., Korchagin Y. “A century of Russian-Cuban diplomatic relations” // International Affairs, 2002 No. 7.

7. Timofeev M.A., Fursenko A.A. "Crazy risk", ROSSPEN, 2006.

8. Lavrenov S.Ya., Popov I.M. "The Soviet Union in local wars and conflicts. The Caribbean crisis: the world is on the brink of disaster."

Submit your application indicating the topic right now to find out about the possibility of receiving a consultation.

Soviet-American relations developed extremely unevenly in the mid-to-second half of the 50s. In 1959, Khrushchev, who showed genuine interest in the United States, visited this country for a fairly long visit. One of the components of his schedule was a speech at a meeting of the UN General Assembly in New York. Here he put forward a broad program of general and complete disarmament. This program, of course, looked utopian, but at the same time it provided for a number of initial steps that could reduce the intensity of international tension: the elimination of military bases on foreign territory, the conclusion of a non-aggression pact between NATO and the Warsaw Pact, etc. The propaganda resonance from Khrushchev's speech was significant and forced the United States to sign a joint resolution with the USSR on the need to make efforts for general disarmament, adopted by the UN General Assembly. Khrushchev spoke at the UN General Assembly session in the fall of 1960 - now not as part of a visit to the United States, but as the head of the Soviet delegation to the UN. The problems of disarmament and support for the national liberation movement came first for him. The dangerous lag of the USSR in the production of nuclear weapons forced the Soviet leader to make loud and even extravagant statements (which concerned primarily Western representatives) about the USSR's superiority in missiles. In the heat of controversy, despite the fact that he was in the UN building, Khrushchev even knocked his shoe on the table.

A return visit of US President D. Eisenhower to the USSR was being prepared, but was disrupted due to an incident with an American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft shot down over Soviet territory. American planes had repeatedly violated Soviet airspace before, and, having an advantage in speed and altitude, evaded pursuit of Soviet interceptors and anti-aircraft missiles. But on May 1, 1960, American pilot F. Powers was unlucky. In the area of ​​Sverdlovsk, where he managed to fly, there were already new modernized missiles. Having been shot down, Powers, contrary to instructions, did not commit suicide, but surrendered. The American pilot's testimony was made public and he was put on trial. President Eisenhower refused to apologize to the USSR for this flight, which spoiled his relationship with the Soviet leader. Two years later, Powers, who was serving his sentence, was exchanged for Soviet intelligence officer R. Abel, convicted in the United States.

FROM N.S.'S SPEECH KHRUSHCHEV AT THE UN GA MEETING. 10/11/1960

“I declare, gentlemen, a time will come when you will understand the need for disarmament. The people will throw out those who put obstacles on the path to peace and mutual understanding... You, the people of the socialist world, will not be intimidated! Our economy is flourishing, our technology is on the rise, our people are united. Do you want to force us into an arms race? We don't want this, but we are not afraid. We will beat you! Our rocket production has been put on an assembly line. Recently I was at a factory and saw missiles coming out there like sausages coming out of a machine gun. Missile after missile comes out of our factory lines. Some people want to try how we stand on earth? You tried us and we defeated you. I mean, they defeated those who went to war against us in the first years after the October Revolution... Some gentlemen will now begin to chatter that Khrushchev is threatening someone. No, Khrushchev does not threaten, but actually predicts the future for you. If you do not understand the real situation... if there is no disarmament, then there will be an arms race, and every arms race will ultimately lead to a military outcome. If war starts, we will miss many of those sitting here...

What else should I add?

So far, not all the peoples of Asia and the peoples of Africa, who have recently freed themselves from colonial oppression, have realized their strength, and are still following their colonial hangers of yesterday. But today it is so, but tomorrow it will not be; this will not happen, the peoples will rise up, straighten their backs and want to be the real masters of the situation..."

BERLIN WALL

The prologue to the worsening crisis in the Caribbean was the construction of the famous Berlin Wall. In the geopolitical confrontation between the USSR and the West, the German question continued to occupy one of the main places. Particular attention was focused on the status of West Berlin. East Berlin became the capital of the GDR. The western part of the city, where the troops of the United States, Great Britain and France were located, formally had a special status, but clearly gravitated towards the Federal Republic of Germany. Khrushchev proposed convening a conference of great powers with the goal of declaring West Berlin a demilitarized zone. But after the incident with the U-2 plane, consultations on this issue stopped.

Meanwhile, the competent market policy of the West Berlin authorities, their support from Germany, as well as solid cash injections from the United States and other countries, allowed the living standards of West Berliners to sharply increase compared to residents of the eastern sector. This contrast, along with open borders between parts of the city, stimulated emigration from East Berlin, which hurt the GDR economy. NATO also used this situation for an active ideological attack on the socialist system.

In August 1961, the leadership of the Department of Internal Affairs, in accordance with the decision made in Moscow, called on the GDR to take measures against the policies of West Berlin. The subsequent actions of the German communists came as a complete surprise to the West. Ordinary party members created a living ring of borders between sectors. At the same time, rapid construction began on a 45-kilometer concrete wall with checkpoints. After 10 days, the wall was ready and immediately became a symbol of the Cold War.

Simultaneously with the construction of the wall, transport communications between parts of the city were interrupted, and the GDR border guards were ordered to open fire on defectors. Over the years of the wall's existence, dozens of people have died and been injured while trying to overcome it. The wall stood until November 9, 1989, when, in light of the perestroika that had begun in the USSR and political changes in the countries of Eastern Europe, the new government of the GDR announced an unhindered transition from East Berlin to West Berlin and back. Official dismantling took place in January 1990.

CARIBBEAN CRISIS

The confrontation between the Soviet and Western blocs reached its most dangerous point during the so-called period. Caribbean (Missile) crisis in the fall of 1962. A significant part of humanity was then on the verge of death, and before the start of the war, to use a figurative expression, there was the same distance as from the palm of an officer to the button on a rocket launcher.

In 1959, the pro-American regime was overthrown in Cuba, and pro-communist forces led by Fidel Castro came to power in the country. A communist state in the traditional zone of US interests (in fact, right next door) was not just a blow, but simply a shock for the political elite in Washington. The nightmare was becoming reality: the Soviets were at the gates of Florida. In order to overthrow Castro, the US Central Intelligence Agency immediately began preparing a sabotage action. In April 1961, a landing party consisting of Cuban emigrants landed in the Bay of Cochinos, but was quickly defeated. Castro sought a closer rapprochement with Moscow. This was required by the task of defending the “Island of Freedom” from a new attack. In turn, Moscow was interested in creating a military base in Cuba as a counterweight to NATO bases around the borders of the USSR. The fact is that American nuclear missiles were already stationed in Turkey, which could reach the vital centers of the Soviet Union in just a few minutes, while Soviet missiles took almost half an hour to hit US territory. Such a gap in time could be fatal. The creation of the Soviet base began in the spring of 1962, and soon the secret transfer of medium-range missiles began there. Despite the secret nature of the operation (codenamed “Anadyr”), the Americans learned what was on board the Soviet ships heading to Cuba.

On September 4, 1962, President John Kennedy stated that the United States would under no circumstances tolerate Soviet nuclear missiles 150 km from its coast. Khrushchev stated that only research equipment was being installed in Cuba. But on October 14, an American reconnaissance plane photographed the missile launch pads from the air. The American military proposed immediately bombing Soviet missiles from the air and launching an invasion of the island with the Marines. Such actions led to an inevitable war with the Soviet Union, the victorious outcome of which Kennedy was not sure. So he decided to take a hard line without resorting to military attack. In an address to the nation, he announced that the United States was beginning a naval blockade of Cuba, demanding that the USSR immediately remove its missiles from there. Khrushchev soon realized that Kennedy would stand his ground until the end and on October 26 sent a message to the president in which he acknowledged the presence of powerful Soviet weapons in Cuba. But at the same time, Khrushchev tried to convince Kennedy that the USSR was not going to attack America. The position of the White House remained the same - immediate withdrawal of the missiles.

October 27 was the most critical day of the entire crisis. Then one of the many US reconnaissance aircraft was shot down by a Soviet anti-aircraft missile over the island. Its pilot was killed. The situation escalated to the limit, and the US President decided two days later to begin bombing Soviet missile bases and begin landing on Cuba. In those days, many Americans, frightened by the prospect of nuclear war, left major cities and dug bomb shelters on their own. However, all this time, unofficial contacts were carried out between Moscow and Washington, the parties considered various proposals in order to move away from the dangerous line. On October 28, the Soviet leadership decided to accept the American condition, which was that the USSR would withdraw its missiles from Cuba, after which the United States would lift the blockade of the island. Kennedy pledged not to attack “Liberty Island.” In addition, agreement was reached on the withdrawal of American missiles from Turkey. The Soviet message was conveyed in clear text to the US President.

After October 28, the Soviet Union removed its missiles and bombers from Cuba, and the United States lifted its naval blockade of the island. International tensions subsided, but the Cuban leaders did not like this “concession” to the United States. While officially remaining in the Soviet position, Castro criticized the actions of Moscow, and especially Khrushchev. In general, the Cuban crisis showed the great powers that the continuation of the arms race and drastic actions in the international arena could turn the world into the abyss of a global and all-destructive war. And paradoxically, with the overcoming of the Cuban crisis, an impetus was given to détente: each of the opponents realized that the opposing side was trying to avoid a nuclear war. The USA and the USSR began to better understand the limits of acceptable confrontation in the Cold War and the need to seek a compromise on issues of bilateral relations. For N.S. himself Khrushchev The Cuban missile crisis also did not pass without a trace. His concessions were perceived by many as a sign of weakness, which further undermined the authority of the Soviet leader among the Kremlin leadership.

ADDRESS N.S. KHRUSHCHEV K. D.F. KENNEDY October 27, 1962

“Dear Mr. President.

I have read with great satisfaction your response to Mr. Rahn about taking measures to prevent our ships from touching each other and thereby avoiding irreparable fatal consequences. This reasonable step on your part confirms to me that you are concerned about preserving peace, which I note with satisfaction.

You want to keep your country safe, and that's understandable. All countries want to protect themselves. But how can we, the Soviet Union, our government, evaluate your actions, which are expressed in the fact that you surrounded the Soviet Union with military bases, located military bases literally around our country. They placed their missile weapons there. This is no secret. American decision-makers are defiantly stating this. Your missiles are located in England, located in Italy and aimed at us. Your missiles are located in Turkey.

Cuba worries you. You say that it is disturbing because it is located 90 miles by sea from the coast of the United States of America. But Türkiye is next to us, our sentries are walking around and looking at one another. Do you think that you have the right to demand security for your country and the removal of those weapons that you call offensive, but you do not recognize this right for us?

After all, you have placed destructive missile weapons, which you call offensive, in Turkey, literally right next to us. How, then, does the recognition of our militarily equal capabilities reconcile with such unequal relations between our great states? This is impossible to reconcile.

Therefore, I make a proposal: we agree to remove those weapons from Cuba that you consider offensive weapons. We agree to implement this and declare this commitment to the UN. Your representatives will make a statement that the United States, for its part, taking into account the concerns and concerns of the Soviet state, will withdraw its similar funds from Turkey. Let's agree on how long it takes for you and us to implement this. And after that, proxies of the UN Security Council could monitor on the spot the implementation of the undertaken obligations.”

REPLY D. KENNEDY N.S. KHRUSHCHEV. October 28, 1962

“I welcome Chairman Khrushchev’s statesmanlike decision to stop the construction of bases in Cuba, dismantle offensive weapons and return them to the Soviet Union under UN supervision. This is an important and constructive contribution to peace.

We will maintain contacts with the Secretary General of the United Nations on the issue of reciprocal measures to ensure peace in the Caribbean Sea.

It is my sincere hope that governments around the world, in resolving the Cuban crisis, can turn their attention to the urgent need to end the arms race and reduce international tensions. This applies both to the fact that the Warsaw Pact and NATO countries are opposed to each other militarily, and to other situations in other parts of the globe where tensions lead to the fruitless diversion of resources into the creation of weapons of war.”

“The events of the October days of 1962 are the first and, fortunately, the only thermonuclear crisis, which was a “moment of fear and insight” when N.S. Khrushchev, John Kennedy, F. Castro and all of humanity felt like they were in the “same boat”, caught in the epicenter of a nuclear abyss.”

The world has repeatedly found itself on the brink of nuclear war. The closest he came to it was in November 1962, but then the common sense of the leaders of the great powers helped to avoid disaster. In Soviet and Russian historiography the crisis is called the Caribbean, in American it is called the Cuban crisis.

Who started it first?

The answer to this everyday question is clear: the United States initiated the crisis. There they reacted with hostility to the coming to power in Cuba of Fidel Castro and his revolutionaries, although this was an internal affair of Cuba. The American elite was categorically not happy with the loss of Cuba from the zone of influence, and even more so with the fact that among the top leaders of Cuba there were communists (the legendary Che Guevara and the then very young Raul Castro, the current Cuban leader). When Fidel declared himself a communist in 1960, the United States moved to open confrontation.

Castro's worst enemies were received and supported there, an embargo was introduced on leading Cuban goods, attempts on the life of the Cuban leader began (Fidel Castro is the absolute record holder among political figures for the number of attempted assassinations, and almost all of them were related to the United States). In 1961, the United States financed and provided equipment for an attempted invasion of Playa Giron by a military detachment of Cuban emigrants.

So Fidel Castro and the USSR, with whom the Cuban leader quickly established friendly relations, had every reason to fear US forceful intervention in Cuban affairs.

Cuban "Anadyr"

This northern name was used to refer to a secret military operation to deliver Soviet ballistic missiles to Cuba. It was held in the summer of 1962 and became the USSR’s response not only to the situation in Cuba, but also to the deployment of American nuclear weapons in Turkey.

The operation was coordinated with the Cuban leadership, so it was carried out in full compliance with international law and the international obligations of the USSR. It was ensured of strict secrecy, but US intelligence was still able to obtain photographs of Soviet missiles on Liberty Island.

Now the Americans have reason to fear - Cuba is separated from fashionable Miami by less than 100 km in a straight line... The Cuban missile crisis has become inevitable.

One step away from war

Soviet diplomacy categorically denied the presence of nuclear weapons in Cuba (what was it supposed to do?), but the legislative structures and the US military were determined. Already in September 1962, there were calls to resolve the Cuban issue by force of arms.

President J.F. Kennedy wisely rejected the idea of ​​an immediate targeted strike on the missile bases, but on November 22 he announced a naval “quarantine” of Cuba to prevent new shipments of nuclear weapons. The action was not very reasonable - firstly, according to the Americans themselves, it was already there, and secondly, the quarantine was precisely illegal. At that time, a caravan of more than 30 Soviet ships was heading to Cuba. personally forbade their captains to comply with quarantine requirements and publicly declared that even one shot towards Soviet ships would immediately cause decisive opposition. He said approximately the same thing in response to the letter from the American leader. On November 25, the conflict was transferred to the UN podium. But this did not help resolve it.

let's live in peace

November 25th turned out to be the busiest day of the Cuban Missile Crisis. With Khrushchev's letter to Kennedy on November 26, tensions began to subside. And the American president never decided to give his ships the order to open fire on the Soviet caravan (he made such actions dependent on his personal orders). Overt and covert diplomacy began to work, and the parties finally agreed on mutual concessions. The USSR undertook to remove missiles from Cuba. For this, the United States guaranteed the lifting of the blockade of the island, pledged not to invade it and remove its nuclear weapons from Turkey.

The great thing about these decisions is that they were almost completely implemented.

Thanks to the reasonable actions of the leadership of the two countries, the world has once again moved back from the brink of nuclear war. The Cuban missile crisis proved that even complex controversial issues can be resolved peacefully, but only if all interested parties want it.

The peaceful resolution of the Cuban missile crisis was a win for all the people of the planet. And this is even despite the fact that the United States still continued to illegally infringe on Cuban trade, and the world, no, no, is wondering: didn’t Khrushchev still leave a couple of missiles in Cuba, just in case?

With the last salvos of the Second World War, peace was imaginary. Yes, from that moment on the guns did not roar, clouds of planes did not roar in the sky, and tank columns did not roll along the city streets. It seemed that after such a destructive and devastating war as the Second World War, all countries and continents would finally understand how dangerous political games could become. However, this did not happen. The world plunged into a new confrontation, even more dangerous and large-scale, which was later given a very subtle and capacious name - the Cold War.

The confrontation between the main political centers of influence in the world has moved from the battlefield to a confrontation between ideologies and economics. An unprecedented arms race began, which gave rise to a nuclear confrontation between the warring parties. The foreign policy situation has again heated up to the limit, each time threatening to escalate into an armed conflict on a planetary scale. The first sign was the Korean War, which broke out five years after the end of World War II. Even then, the USA and the USSR secretly and unofficially began to measure their strength, participating in the conflict to varying degrees. The next peak in the confrontation between the two superpowers was the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 - an aggravation of the international political situation that threatened to plunge the planet into a nuclear apocalypse.

The events that took place during this period clearly showed humanity how shaky and fragile the world could be. The United States' atomic monopoly ended in 1949 when the USSR tested its own atomic bomb. The military-political confrontation between the two countries has reached a qualitatively new level. Nuclear bombs, strategic aircraft and missiles leveled the chances of both sides, making them equally vulnerable to a nuclear retaliatory strike. Understanding the danger and consequences of the use of nuclear weapons, the warring parties turned to outright nuclear blackmail.

Now both the USA and the USSR tried to use their own nuclear arsenals as an instrument of pressure, trying to achieve greater dividends for themselves in the political arena. The indirect cause of the Caribbean crisis can be considered attempts at nuclear blackmail, which the leadership of both the United States and the Soviet Union resorted to. The Americans, by installing their medium-range nuclear missiles in Italy and Turkey, sought to put pressure on the USSR. The Soviet leadership, in response to these aggressive steps, tried to move the game to its opponent’s field, placing its own nuclear missiles next to the Americans. Cuba was chosen as the place for such a dangerous experiment, which in those days became the center of attention of the whole world, becoming the key to Pandora's box.

The true reasons that led to the crisis situation

Looking superficially at the history of the most acute and vibrant period in the confrontation between two world powers, one can draw various conclusions. On the one hand, the events of 1962 showed how vulnerable human civilization is in the face of the threat of nuclear war. On the other hand, the whole world was shown how peaceful coexistence depends on the ambitions of a certain group of people, one or two people making fatal decisions. Time will decide who did the right thing and who did not in this situation. Real confirmation of this is that we are now writing materials on this topic, analyzing the chronology of events, studying the true causes of the Caribbean crisis.

The presence or coincidence of various factors brought the world to the brink of disaster in 1962. Here it would be appropriate to focus on the following aspects:

• the presence of objective factors;
• the action of subjective factors;
• time frame;
• planned results and goals.

Each of the proposed points reveals not only the presence of certain physical and psychological factors, but also sheds light on the very essence of the conflict. A thorough analysis of the current situation in the world in October 1962 is necessary, since for the first time humanity really felt the threat of complete destruction. Neither before nor after has any armed conflict or military-political confrontation had such high stakes.

The objective reasons that explain the main essence of the crisis that arose lie in the attempts of the leadership of the Soviet Union, headed by N.S. Khrushchev to find ways out of the dense ring of encirclement in which the entire Soviet bloc found itself in the early 60s. By this time, the United States and its NATO allies had managed to concentrate powerful strike forces along the entire perimeter of the USSR. In addition to strategic missiles stationed at missile bases in North America, the Americans had a fairly large fleet of strategic bombers.

In addition to this, the United States has deployed an entire armada of medium- and shorter-range missiles in Western Europe and on the southern borders of the Soviet Union. And this despite the fact that the USA, Great Britain and France together, in terms of the number of warheads and delivery vehicles, were many times greater than the USSR. It was the deployment of medium-range Jupiter missiles in Italy and Turkey that became the last straw for the Soviet leadership, which decided to make a similar attack towards the enemy.

The nuclear missile power of the USSR at that time could not be called a real counterweight to American nuclear power. The flight range of Soviet missiles was limited, and the submarines, capable of carrying only three R-13 ballistic missiles, did not have high tactical and technical data. There was only one way to make the Americans feel that they, too, were in the nuclear crosshairs, by placing Soviet ground-based nuclear missiles at their side. Even given that Soviet missiles did not have high flight characteristics and a relatively small number of warheads, such a threat could have a sobering effect on the Americans.

In other words, the essence of the Caribbean crisis lies in the natural desire of the USSR to equalize the chances of a mutual nuclear threat with its potential opponents. By what methods this was done is another question. We can say that the result exceeded expectations for both one and the other side.

Prerequisites for the conflict and the goals of the parties

The subjective factor that played the main role in this conflict is post-revolutionary Cuba. After the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Fidel Castro's regime followed in the wake of Soviet foreign policy, which greatly irritated its powerful northern neighbor. After failing to overthrow the revolutionary government in Cuba by armed means, the Americans switched to a policy of economic and military pressure on the young regime. The US trade blockade against Cuba only accelerated the development of events that played into the hands of the Soviet leadership. Khrushchev, echoed by the military, happily accepts Fidel Castro's proposal to send a Soviet military contingent to Liberty Island. In the strictest confidence at the highest level, on May 21, 1962, a decision was made to send Soviet troops to Cuba, including missiles with nuclear warheads.

From this moment on, events begin to unfold at rapid speed. Time limits apply. After the return of the Soviet military-diplomatic mission led by Rashidov from Liberty Island, the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee meets in the Kremlin on June 10. At this meeting, the USSR Minister of Defense first announced and submitted for consideration a draft plan for the transfer of Soviet troops and nuclear ICBMs to Cuba. The operation was codenamed “Anadyr”.

Returning from a trip to Liberty Island, Rashidov, the head of the Soviet delegation and Rashidov decided that the faster and more inconspicuously the entire operation to transfer Soviet missile units to Cuba was carried out, the more unexpected this step would be for the United States. On the other hand, the current situation will force both sides to look for a way out of the current situation. Beginning in June 1962, the military-political situation took a threatening turn, pushing both sides towards an inevitable military-political clash.

The final aspect to consider when considering the origins of the 1962 Cuban Crisis is a realistic assessment of the goals and objectives pursued by each side. The United States, led by President Kennedy, was at the peak of its economic and military power. The emergence of a socialist-oriented state at the side of the world hegemon caused significant damage to America’s reputation as a world leader, therefore, in this context, the desire of the Americans to destroy the first socialist state in the Western Hemisphere by force of military, economic and political pressure is quite understandable. The American President and most of the American establishment were extremely determined in achieving their goals. And this despite the fact that the risk of a direct military clash with the USSR was assessed very highly in the White House.

The Soviet Union, led by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, tried not to miss its chance by supporting the Castro regime in Cuba. The situation in which the young state found itself required the adoption of decisive measures and steps. The mosaic of world politics was shaping up in favor of the USSR. Using socialist Cuba, the USSR could create a threat to the territory of the United States, which, being overseas, considered itself completely safe from Soviet missiles.

The Soviet leadership tried to make the most of the current situation. Moreover, the Cuban government played in unison with the plans of the Soviets. Personal factors cannot be ignored either. In the context of intensified confrontation between the USSR and the USA over Cuba, the personal ambitions and charisma of the Soviet leader clearly emerged. Khrushchev could go down in world history as the leader who dared to directly challenge a nuclear power. We should give credit to Khrushchev, he succeeded. Despite the fact that the world literally hung by a thread for two weeks, the parties managed to achieve what they wanted to some extent.

The military component of the Caribbean crisis

The transfer of Soviet troops to Cuba, called Operation Anadyr, began at the end of June. Such an uncharacteristic name of the operation, which is associated with the delivery of secret cargo by sea to southern latitudes, is explained by military-strategic plans. Loaded with troops, equipment and personnel, Soviet ships were to be sent to the North. The purpose of such a large-scale operation for the general public and foreign intelligence was banal and prosaic, providing economic cargo and personnel to settlements along the Northern Sea Route.

Soviet ships left the Baltic ports, Severomorsk and the Black Sea, following their usual course to the north. Further, lost in the high latitudes, they abruptly changed course in the direction of the south, following the coast of Cuba. Such maneuvers were intended to confuse not only the American fleet, which patrolled the entire North Atlantic, but also American intelligence channels. It is important to note that the secrecy with which the operation was carried out had a stunning effect. Careful camouflage of preparatory operations, transportation of missiles on ships and deployment were carried out in complete secrecy from the Americans. The equipment of launch positions and the deployment of missile divisions on the island took place from the same perspective.

Neither in the Soviet Union, nor in the United States, nor in any other country in the world could anyone even imagine that in such a short time an entire missile army would be deployed under the noses of the Americans. The flights of American spy planes did not provide accurate information about what was really happening in Cuba. In total, until October 14, when Soviet ballistic missiles were photographed during the flight of an American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft, the Soviet Union transferred and deployed 40 medium- and intermediate-range R-12 and R-14 missiles on the island. In addition, Soviet cruise missiles with nuclear warheads were deployed near the American naval base at Guantanamo Bay.

The photographs, which clearly showed Soviet missile positions in Cuba, had the effect of a bomb exploding. The news that the entire territory of the United States is now within the reach of Soviet nuclear missiles, the total equivalent of which was 70 megatons, shocked not only the highest echelons of power in the United States, but also the bulk of the country's civilian population.

In total, 85 Soviet cargo ships took part in Operation Anadyr, which managed to secretly deliver not only missiles and launchers, but also a lot of other military and service equipment, service personnel and combat army units. By October 1962, 40 thousand military contingents of the USSR Armed Forces were stationed in Cuba.

Game of nerves and rapid denouement

The American reaction to the situation was immediate. An Executive Committee was urgently created in the White House, headed by President John Kennedy. A variety of response options were considered, from launching a targeted strike on missile positions to an armed invasion of the island by American troops. The most acceptable option was chosen - a complete naval blockade of Cuba and an ultimatum presented to the Soviet leadership. It should be noted that back on September 27, 1962, Kennedy received carte blanche from Congress to use the military to correct the situation in Cuba. The US President followed a different strategy, leaning towards solving the problem through military and diplomatic means.

An open intervention could result in serious casualties among personnel, and no one denied the possible use of larger countermeasures by the Soviet Union. An interesting fact is that in none of the official conversations at the highest level, the USSR never admitted that there were Soviet offensive missile weapons in Cuba. In this light, the United States had no choice but to act at its own discretion, thinking less about global prestige and caring more about its own national security.

We can talk for a long time and discuss all the vicissitudes of negotiations, meetings and meetings of the UN Security Council, but today it becomes clear that the political games of the leadership of the USA and the USSR in October 1962 led humanity to a dead end. No one could guarantee that each subsequent day of global confrontation would not be the last day of peace. The results of the Caribbean crisis were acceptable to both sides. In the course of the agreements reached, the Soviet Union removed missiles from Liberty Island. Just three weeks later, the last Soviet missile left Cuba. The very next day, November 20, the United States lifted the naval blockade of the island. The following year, the Jupiter missile systems were phased out in Turkey.

In this context, the personalities of Khrushchev and Kennedy deserve special attention. Both leaders were under constant pressure from their own advisers and military personnel, who were ready to start World War III. However, both were smart enough not to follow the lead of the hawks of world politics. Here, the speed of reaction of both leaders in making important decisions, as well as the presence of common sense, played an important role. Within two weeks, the whole world clearly saw how the world's established order can quickly turn into chaos.